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Adaptation  of  Suffixes  in  Congeneric 
Classes  of  Substantives 


MAURICE    BLOOMFIEI.O 

Johns  Hopkins  University 


Reprinted  from  The  American  Journal  of  Philology, 
Vol.  XII,  No.  ,45,;  pp„  J-29J    '        ,    vj. 


BALTIMORE,  1S91 

The  Johns    Hopkins   Press 


njo 


V 


k> 


ON  ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES  IN  CONGENERIC 
CLASSES  OF  SUBSTANTIVES. 

The  term  adaptation  is  used  here  to  designate  the  infusion  with 
some  definite  grammatical  or  lexical  value,  of  a  formal  element 
originally  either  devoid  of  any  special  functional  value,  or  pos- 
sessed of  a  value  which  has  faded  out  so  completely  as  to  make  this 
infusion  possible.  Thus  in  English  sing,  sang,  sung)  German 
werde,  ward,  (g-e-)worde?i  the  different  vowels  are  felt  to  be  the 
carriers  of  the  tense-distinction.  Here  the  association  of  the 
vocalic  variations  with  temporal  distinctions  is  a  comparatively 
recent  development:  the  variation  (ablaut)  is  due  to  phonetic 
causes,  very  largely  differences  in  accentuation,  which  had  no 
direct  connection  with  temporal  distinctions.  But  with  the  decay 
of  the  inflectional  elements  which  did  convey  the  distinctions  of 
tense,  the  vowel  of  each  form  was  associated  more  and  more  with 
the  special  vocalic  color  of  the  root,  until  in  modern  English  radi- 
cal i  is  to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  significant  vowel  of  the 
present,  a  of  the  imperfect,  and  u  of  the  perfect  passive  participle. 
It  is  as  though  Homeric  Sepnopat,  8e8opKa,  cbpanov  had  in  the  later 
development  of  Greek  speech  become  subject  to  a  phonetic  cor- 
ruption which  stripped  them  of  personal  inflections,  reduplication 
and  augment  resulting  in  pres.  *8epK,  perf.  *dop<,  aor.  *  Spate,  and 
e,  o,  a  would  then  be  felt  as  the  respective  causes  of  the  varying 
tense-values.  An  instance  in  which  the  grammatical  value  of  a 
form  has  faded  out  so  completely  as  to  permit  its  infusion  with  a 
new  value,  originally  altogether  foreign  to  it,  is  the  use  of  the  ele- 
ment -mini  in  Latin  as  the  personal  inflection  of  the  second  plur. 
passive.     Lat.  legiminl  (sc.  estis)  is  =  Xeyo-/xei/ot,  nom.  plur.  masc. 


411293 


«.•  •  •  •  •  •••  1  ■  ■  ••  • 


2  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

of  the  middle-passive  participle.  After  this  form  had  been  woven 
into  the  paradigm  of  the  present  passive  its  origin  was  entirely- 
forgotten  ;  it  was  felt  to  be  a  personal  inflection,  and  was  then  ex- 
tended throughout  the  passive  system,  yielding  legebaminl,  lege- 
mini,  legamini  and  legeremini,  thus  succeeding  in  adapting  the 
form  -mini  completely  to  the  use  of  an  ordinary  personal  inflec- 
tion. Other  cases  of  adaptation  in  modern  English  are  contained 
in  men, feet  as  the  plur.  of  man,  foot:  here  the  umlaut  (cf.  Germ. 
manner,  f us  se)  has  been  adapted  as  a  plural  sign ;  in  oxen  as  plur. 
of  ox  (Germ,  der  ochs,  des  ochsen,  both  singular) :  here  the  ele- 
ment -en-  originally  a  nominal  suffix  (cf.  Vedic  uks&n-  ■  ox '; 
Lat.  stem  homin-  '  man ')  has  been  adapted  to  use  as  a  sign  of 
the  plural.  Cf.  in  general  Paul,  Prinzipien  der  Sprachgeschichte2, 
p.  172;  Delbriick,  Einleitung  in  das  Sprachstudium1,  pp.  66  fg. 
(where  Ludwig's  theory  and  writings  on  adaptation  are  quoted 
and  discussed),  96  fg. ;  Windisch,  Personalendungen  im  Griech- 
ischen  und  Sanskrit,  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Saxon  Academy, 
March  2,  1889,  pp.  7  fg. 

1.  The  Greek  Nominative  Trout;. 

An  ancient  riddle  of  Greek  grammar  is  the  Ionic-Attic  nomina- 
tive novs,  gen.  7rod-6s.  A  more  original  nominative  in  Greek  appears 
in  Doric  n£>s,  preserved  in  the  gloss  of  Hesychius,  nS>s  '  •  nos.  vno 
A(opie<ov  (cf.  also  his  other  gloss  nop  •  novs.  Adicawes).  The  diphthong 
ov  of  novs  cannot  hail  from  proethnic  times,  as  the  related  lan- 
guages have  only  monophthongs :  e  in  Latin  pes  (*ped-s)  and 
com-pes  ;  o  in  Doric  nS>s,  Lat.  com-pds  =  com-pes  in  Priscian  i.  p. 
26  H,  Gothic fdt-us,  nom.  plur.  Old  Norse*fdt-ir  in  fdetr  (umlaut)  ; 

0  in  nob-6s,  Lat.  tri-pod-atus ;  Umbrian  du-purs-us,  petur-purs-us 

1  bipedibus,  quadrupedibus  '  (Iguvinian  tablets  vi.  b)  ;  e  in  ped-is, 
ne(a  (*7Tf8-ta),  etc. ;  reduced  root  pd-  inZend  fr a- &d- a-  'fore-foot.' 
Nowhere  is  there  an  opening  for  an  original  Greek  diphthong 
ov  =  I.  E.  du  or  dy>  ;2  the  stem  evidently  belongs  to  the  so-called 
£-0-series.  As  a  special  Greek  phonetic  development,  Attic  oxy- 
tone  novs  could  stand  only  for  *n6vs  (cf.  Cretan  tops  =  Attic  rovs) 

1  For  the  accent  of  this  form  see  the  author  in  A.  J.  P.  IX  15  ;  Brugmann, 
Griechische  Grammatik2,  §74. 

2  Sk.  pad,  gen.  pad-ds  ;  Zend pa$-em  and  pdftebyo  exhibit  the  same  relations 
of  quantity  as  appears  in  the  European  languages  :  the  qualitative  relation  has 
disappeared.     But  there  is  no  diphthong. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  3 

or  *7r6vrs  like  the  participle  Sods  for  *86-vt-s.     For  these  there  is  no 
basis. 

Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  explain  the  form,  some  in 
recent  years,  e.  g.  by  Joh.  Schmidt  in  KZ.  xxv.  16,  and  Solmsen 
ibid.  xxix.  358,  note.  I  regard  them  as  unsatisfactory  and  omit 
their  refutation.  G.  Meyer,  Griech.  Gramm.2  §313,  says  :  'Attisch 
novs  jedenfalls  eine  Neubildung  ist  bisher  unerklart.'  Very 
recently  Brugmann,  Grundriss  ii.  450 ;  GriechischeTGrammatik2, 
§74,  is  of  the  same  opinion.  I  believe  that  Attic-Ionic  nom.  novs 
foot  is  made  in  direct  imitation  of  Pan-Hellenic  68ovs  tooth,1  the 
point  of  contact  being  the  meaning :  both  are  parts  of  the  body. 
Designations  of  parts  of  the  body  exercise  strong  analogical 
influence  upon  one  another,  and  occasionally  the  suffix  of  some 
one  of  them  succeeds  in  adapting  itself  so  as  to  be  felt  the  char- 
acteristic element  which  bestows  upon  the  word  its  value.  That 
is  to  say,  when  such  a  suffix  has  spread  analogically  to  a  greater 
or  lesser  extent  within  the  category,  then  the  meaning  of  the 
category  may  be  felt  to  be  dependent  upon  the  special  form  of  the 
suffix,  or,  stated  conversely,  the  suffix  may  be  infused  with  the 
special  characteristic  of  the  category;  after  that,  when  occasion 
arises  to  form  new  words  of  this  same  class,  the  suffix  is  put  into 
requisition  as  though  it  were  the  essential  element  which  imparts 
to  the  word  its  special  significance.  This  thesis,  though  stated 
narrowly  for  the  present  only  in  reference  to  designations  of  parts 
of  the  body,  is  sufficiently  important  to  justify  our  dwelling  upon 
it  at  length ;  it  will  in  the  end  lead  us  to  a  much  broader  field 
than  the  one  just  indicated.  First  we  shall  assemble  certain  cases 
in  which  assimilation  and  adaptation  has  influenced  designations 
of  parts  of  the  body. 

2.  Designations  of  parts  of  the  body  by  heteroelitie 
stems  in  r  and  n. 

As  early  as  I.  E.  times  a  considerable  group  of  designations  of 
parts  of  the  body  were  formed  after  a  peculiar  heteroelitie  declen- 
sion. They  were  neuters  having  the  casus  recti  in  -r  and  the 
casus  obliqui  in  -?i : 

liver:  ynap,  rjnaros  ;  Lat.  Jecur,  jecinoris  (for  *jecinis\  the 
syllable  or  came  in  from  the  nominative,  perhaps  through  the 

'Aeolic  iSovreg  is  transformed  by  popular  etymology  (edo)).  bdwv,  Hdt.  vi. 
107  ;  Herodian  ii.  928,  II,  is  the  result  of  proportional  analogy :  \66vteq  :  Id&v 
=  bddvreg  •:  x,  i.  e.  bduv. 


4  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

channel  of  the  genitive  jecoris,  which  in  turn  was  made  upon  the 
base  of  the  nom. ;  cf.  uber-is  below) ;  Sk.  ydkrt,  yaknds ;  Zend 
ydkare  (Zend-Pehlevi  glossary:  the  oblique  w-stem  does  not 
occur);  Lith.  jekn-os,  fern,  plurale  tantum,  and  jekanas  (Bezzen- 
berger,  zur  Geschichte  der  litauischen  Sprache,  p.  291)  are  based 
upon  the  rc-stem,  the  r-stem  being  wanting.  Through  the  medium 
of  a  'ground-form  '  lieqrl]o\\.  Schmidt,  Die  Pluralbildungen  der 
indogermanischen  Neutra,  p.  198  fg.,  adds  to  this  group  the  Ger- 
man words  for  'liver,'  Ohg.  libera,  lebera,  Ags.  lifer,  as  also 
Armenian  leard  and  Old  Prussian  lagno. 

adder:  ovdap,  ovdaros  ;  Sk.udharyudhnas\  Latin  uber,  which  has 
passed  also  into  the  oblique  cases  :  the  rc-stem  perhaps  in  Oufen-s 
(Festus),  Ufen-s  *  name  of  a  river.'  Germanic  forms:  Mhg.  tiler, 
Nhg.  euter,  Ags.  of  udrum  '  uberibus,'  Eng.  udder  exhibit  the 
r-stem ;  in  Ohg.  dative  sg.  iltrin  there  is  mixture  of  r-  and  n- 
stems  in  reversed  order  from  that  which  has  taken  place  in  Lat. 
jecinoris ;  see  above. 

blood:  Vedic dsrg (TS.  dsrl),  asnds, classical  Sanskrit  asr-a-m; 
Greek  lap,  Epic  flap  =*rjap,  the  corresponding  rc-stem  being  lost; 
Lat.  assir'm  Festus,  Paul  Epit.  p.  16;  Loewe,  Prodr.  142.  Lettish 
asins  presents  the  w-stem.    I.  E.  esr$  or  &sr$,  gen.  asn-6s.x 

thigh  :  femur,  feminis  with  assimilations  in  both  directions; 
the  nom.  femen  (rare  according  to  Priscian  vi.  52)  and  the  geni- 
tive femoris  (cL  jecoris,  above). 

wing:  r-stem,  Lat.  *peler  in  acci-piter 2  'quick-wing,  falcon'; 
the  rc-stem  petn-  in  penna  for  *petn-a  '  wing,  feather.'  The  r- 
stem  further  in  irrsp-o-v,  Ohg.  federa,  fedara,  Ags.  fe^er,  Sk. 
patr-a-  '  wing,  feather,'  Zd.  patere-ta-  '  winged '  (cf.  nrepa-To-s), 
Cymric  alar  'winged.'  The  w-stem  further  in  Cymric  etn,  Old 
Irish  en  '  bird.'  The  recent  discussion  of  the  word  by  Joh.  Schmidt, 
loc.  cit.  pp.  173-176,  seems  to  establish  the  I.  E.  bases  pe'lr^,  gen. 
peln-ds  in  close  parallelism  with  the  word  for  '  blood '  above : 
dsr]  or  esr$  (cf.  dap'),  gen.  asn-ds. 

inner  body,  viscera,  vein:  Homeric  rjrop  with  Aeolic  op  for 

1  According  to  De  Saussure  (Memoire,  p.  225),  Lat.  san-gu-en  (Ennius  ap.  Cic.) 
belongs  to  this  group,  san-  for  (a)sn-  with  gu  from  the  nom.  (cf.  Sk.  dsrg).  The 
-en  at  the  end  a  second  time  in  deference  to  the  old  declension  of  the  word  in 
the  oblique  cases  (Vedic  asn-ds).     Differently  W.  Schulze,  KZ.  xxix.  257. 

2  accipiter  for  *acu-piter  (cf.  acu-pedius,  w/cO-f)  may  be  the  result  of  popular 
etymology  which  associated  the  word  with  accipio  ;  see  Joh.  Schmidt,  Plural- 
bildungen, p.  174. 


ADAPTATION   OF  SUFFIXES.  5 

ap  (Schmidt,  ibid.  177)  '  heart'  and  ?)tP-o-v  '  abdomen  ';  Ohg.  ddara, 
inn-ddiri  'viscera,'  Ags.  aedre,  Old  Norse  ae6r  'vein,'  Obg.  edro 
'bosom'  (formed  like  rjrpov),  Oir.  in-athar  'entrails.'  The  com- 
plementary rc-stem  is  wanting,  but  the  restriction  of  the  declen- 
sion of  ?jTop  in  Homer  to  the  casus  recti  (dative  fjropt  later,  Simon. 
7.  7)  shows  that  the  type  was  once  *eter,  *Un-os,  or  the  like.  For 
the  variety  of  meanings  cf.  Vedic  hirci  'vein,'  Lat.  hira  'intestine,' 
hara-spex  '  he  who  inspects  the  entrails,  soothsayer.' 

excrement:  <tkS>p,  <t kotos  ;  Sk.  fdkrl,  gaknds ;'  Lat.  mas- 
{s)cerda,  Festus  146  (thence  cerda  falsely  clipped  off  for  bti-cerda, 
etc.,  Schmidt,  ibid.  178);  Old  Norse  skarn;  Obg.  skvrina  ;  Lith. 
tu  skverne  '  invective  against  misbehaving  children.'  In  the  last 
three  the  r-  and  w-stems  are  blended  ;  cf.  jecinoris  and  utrin, 
above. 

nerve,  sinew,  etc.:  I.  E.  casus  recti  sneuer,  sneur-t ;  casus 
obliqui  sneiin-os,  etc.  Zend  sndvare  'sinew,'  Ossetic  navr  'vein,' 
Ohg.  snuor  'schnur,'  Goth,  sndrjd  'wicker-basket,'  from  stem 
sncuer.  The  stem  snet^rt  in  Arm.  neard  'nerve,  sinew,'  Hiibsch- 
mann,  Armenische  Studien,  p.  45,  Nr.  217.  The  w-stem  in  Vedic 
sndvan  'sinew,  string.'  Greek  vcvpo-v  contains  the  usual  exten- 
sion to  the  ^-declension  =  sneuro-.  For  Latin  nervu-s  see  Vani- 
cek,  Griechisch-Lateinisches  Worterbuch  ii.  p.  1161. 

gall:  Gr.  x°^fpos  seems  to  be  an  extension  of  an  r-stem  (cf. 
rjptpa  :  rjpap)  which  is  supplemented  by  the  w-stem  contained  in 
Ohg.  galla,  O.  Norse  gall,  hat./ellis.  The  stems  seem  to  have 
been  I.  E.  ifiolr-,  ^holn-ds  or  ^heln-o's.  Cf.  Froehde,  Bezz.  Beitr.  vii. 
105;  Johansson,  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1890,  Nr.  19,  p.  766,  note. 

mouth,  jaw:  Zend  zafare,  gen.  zafand.  The  r-stem  is  occa- 
sionally extended  into  the  oblique  cases:  dat.  zafre;  nom.  plur. 
zafra.  The  »-stem  also  in  pri-zafanem  ace.  sg.  masc.  'three- 
headed.' 

flat  of  the  hand,  sole  of  the  foot :  Bivap,  Swapos  (the  r-stem 
extended  through  the  oblique  cases),  onio-devap  for  *6irio-066€vap 
(haplography)  'outer  hand,'  vnodepap  'palm  under  the  thumb'; 
Ohg.  tenar,  ienra,  Mhg.  tener  'flat  hand.'a 

1  Qak-  for  sak-  by  assimilation  of  the  dental  sibilant  to  the  guttural  of  the 
consecutive  syllable  ;  see  Bloomfield  and  Spieker,  Proceedings  of  the  American 
Oriental  Society  for  May,  1886,  p.  xl.  (Journal,  Vol.  xiii,  p.  exxi).  Is  Lat. 
coram  (*cdsam)  from  a  root  whose  Sk.  equivalent  is  kaQ—kds  '  to  be  visible'  ? 
Cf.  sa-kaQa  '  presence,'  sakdQe  '  in  the  presence  of,  near,'  Acv.  Gr.  i.  18.  7. 

2  The  adaptation  of  the  suffix  r-n  to  this  group  extended  itself  also  to  the 
originally  broader   meaning  of  the   word,  which  seems   to  have   been    '  flat 


6  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

The  limitation  of  this  class  is  not  by  a  hard  and  fast  line.  Per- 
haps odcpo-s  •  yaorrjp  (Hesych.),  Vedic  udard-m  and  uddra-m 
belly,  stomach,  represent  another  r-stem  of  this  class,  extended 
by  the  suffix  -o-.  Likewise  av<pap  '  wrinkled  skin  '  (cf.  Lat.  suber 
'cork-tree:  tree  with  wrinkled  bark');  Ix^P  lymph,  ichor  (cf. 
tap  'blood')  and  ax&p  scurf  (cf.  <ricS>p  'excrement')  may  belong 
here,  in  part  by  later  adaptation  within  Hellenic  times.  For  the 
remaining  stems  in  p  in  Greek  see  below,  p.  21,  note. 

That  so  large  a  portion  of  the  limited  group  of  heteroclitic  nouns 
in  r-n  should  have  been  absorbed  by  designations  of  parts  of  the 
body  admits  of  but  one  explanation.  The  suffix,  in  the  first  place, 
had  no  intrinsic  value  which  rendered  it  especially  suitable  for 
words  of  this  kind.  It  was  employed  accidentally  in  some  one  or 
two  such  designations,  and  thence  it  was  extended  gradually  by 
single  acts  of  analogy,  becoming  more  and  more  productive, 
until  it  had  adapted  itself  in  proethnic  times  to  this  special  use. 
As  it  was,  it  never  became  restricted  exclusively  to  such  use  (see 
v8a>p,  vdaros  and  more  below) :  neither  did  the  entire  domain  of 
designations  of  parts  of  the  body  succumb  to  it,  nor  did  it  sharpen 
its  own  physiognomy  to  such  an  extent  as  to  be  rendered  unfit 
for  other  service. 

3.  Designation  of  parts  of  the  body  by  other  hetero- 
elitie  declensions  with  n-stems  in  the  oblique  cases. 

The  rc-stems  which  appear  in  the  oblique  cases  of  the  hetero- 
clitic declension  in  r-n  occupy  the  same  territory,  the  oblique 
cases,  in  the  paradigms  of  certain  other  heteroclitic  declensional 
types  ;  here  also  the  meaning  is  prevailingly  that  of  parts  of  the 
body.  The  process  of  adaptation  which  resulted  in  the  feeling 
that  oblique  cases  of  w-stems,  when  combined  with  r-stems  in 
the  casus  recti,  were  suitable  for  this  class  of  nouns,  appears  in 
operation — also  in  proethnic  times — with  other  stems :  consonantal 
stems,  /-stems,  s-stems  : 

ear  :  genitive  ovaros  for  *ovo-ptos,  Gothic  ausin-s.  The  stem  of 
the  casus  recti  is  partly  consonantal,  as  in  Latin  aus  of  au(s)-dz'rey 
aus-culto,  Old  Irish  0;  partly  /-stem  as  in  Lat.  auri-s,  Lith.  ausi-s 

expanse,'  dXbg  devap  *  expanse  of  the  sea,'  cf.  Vedic  samudrdsya  dhdnvan  '  on 
the  strand  of  the  sea.'  If  dhdnvan  =•  devap  (for  *0elvapt  cf.  eUap  and  edap, 
Hesych.)  we  have  the  «-stem  which  has  been  expelled  by  the  r-stem  in  Greek. 
Cu.  Etym.5,  p.  255,  compares  also  Mhg.  tenni  '  tenne.' 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  J 

(in  both  the  z-stem  is  extended  through  the  paradigm),  Zend  usV 
*  ear,'  Obg.  usi '  the  ears ' ;  and  partly  s-stem  as  in  ausos  in  Obg.  ucho, 
gen.  usese.  According  to  Joh.  Schmidt,  KZ.  xxvi.  i7,Pluralbildun- 
gen,  p.  407,  Greek  ous,  Doric  &s  are  the  contracted  forms  of  *ovaos 
rather  than  the  direct  equivalents  of  Latin  aus-.  In  German  the 
«-stem,  Goth,  ausin-,  nom.  ausdy  just  as  in  augo,  hairtd,  etc., 
below,  has  usurped  the  entire  paradigm. 

head:  gen.  Ved.  firsnds,  Horn.  Kpaaros,  Attic  Kparos.  The 
w-stem  also  in  dp<pi-Kpavo-s  'two-headed.'  Casus  recti,  originally: 
Sk.  giras  'head,  point'  =  Kepas  'horn,'2  Lat.  *  ceres  in  cerebrum  for 
*ceres-rom  (Brugmann,  Grundriss  i.  p.  430;  ii.  p.  175);  Old 
Norse  hjarsi  'crown  of  the  head,'  Ohg.  hirniiox  *hirzni  (mix- 
ture of  the  s-  and  w-stems  as  in  Ved.  flrsnds:  Kluge,  Paul  und 
Braune's  Beitr'age,  viii.  522  fg.).* 

eye:  Gothic  genitive  augins,  Sk.  gen.  aksnds  :  the  s  =  I.  E.  s 
is  from  an  j-stem  I.  E.  og-os  =  Obg.  oko,  gen.  ocese  (cf.  the  j-stem 
in  the  nom.  of  the  word  for  'ear,'  above).  Joh.  Schmidt  finds  the 
w-stem  corresponding  to  augin-  in  irpo<rd>7ra<ri  and  Horn,  evpv-ona 
(ibid.  109,  398,  400) ;  the  w-stem  corresponding  to  Sk.  aksn- 
indirectly  in  Aeolic  omrara  (ibid.  408  fg.).  The  casus  recti  were 
made  from  the  j-stem  oqos}  above  ;  from  z'-stems  in  Lith.  akl-s 
'eye,'  *augi-  in  Goth,  and-augi-ba  'plainly,'  Ohg.  augi-wis  'pub- 
lice,'  and  the  duals  ooo-e=*ogie,  Obg.  obi,  Zend  asi ;  *  and  from  con- 
sonantal stems  eXU-on-cs  'Axaiol,  Horn.  The  German  has  passed 
the  entire  paradigm  of  the  word  into  the  ^-declension :  Goth. 
augd,  Ohg.  auga ;  cf.  ausd  above.     For  Arm.  akn  see  p.  9. 

The  productivity  of  this  suffix  in  the  oblique  cases  of  words  for 
parts  of  the  body,  coupled  with  other  stems  in  the  casus  recti,6 

1  So  we  may  now  write  indiscriminately  all  Zend  j^-sounds,  since  Geldner's 
edition  of  the  text  renders  the  separation  into  varieties  of  secondary  import- 
ance ;  cf.  A.  V.  W.  Jackson,  The  Avestan  Alphabet,  p.  20. 

8  But  Hesych. :  ntpag  •  ne^alf] ;  Etym.  Mag.  504,  50 :  KEpaq  Aeyerai  ml  f/  KE(pa?^rj. 
Original  meaning  of  the  group  :  '  the  highest  part  of  the  body :  head  with 
men  ;  horn  with  horned  animals.' 

3  Exhaustive  collections  of  material,  and  thorough  discussions  of  this  stem 
and  its  derivatives  in  Danielsson,  Grammatische  und  Etymologische  Studien 
I.  napa,  Kkpnq,  TJpsala  Universitets  Arsskrift,  i883;  Joh.  Schmidt,  Plural- 
bildungen,  pp.  363-378. 

4  The  last  three  Schmidt,  ibid.  p.  398,  regards  as  consonantal  stems  with 
dual  ending  i. 

5  Except  when  the  entire  paradigm  of  the  words  of  this  class  has  assumed  the 
«-type,  as  is  the  case  in  German  and  Armenian  ;  see  Gothic  ausd,  augo  above, 
and  cf.  the  next  subdivision  of  this  article. 


8  AMERICAN  JOURNAL   OF  PHILOLOGY. 

continues  in  a  marked  fashion  in  the  separate  languages.  It 
is  of  course  impossible  to  say  in  every  case  that  this  condi- 
tion is  a  creation  of  the  separate  language:  often  the  rc-stem 
may  have  been  lost  in  all  but  one  language.  But  there  are 
cases  when  it  may  be  assumed  with  great  show  of  proba- 
bility that  the  process  of  adaptation  which  started  this  non-de- 
script  suffix  upon  a  strongly  individualized  career  in  I.  E.  times 
was  repeated  anew  by  several  of  the  languages.  We  begin  with 
the  cases  from  the  German,  where  the  domain  of  the  neuter  «-stems 
is  almost  entirely  monopolized  by  designations  of  parts  of  the 
body ;  see  Kluge,  Stammbildung,  §78. 

heart :  gen.  Goth,  hairtins,  with  secondary  nom.  hairtd.  The 
old  casus  recti  were  formed  from  consonantal  stems :  ^p(5), 
Ved.  su-hard  '  of  friendly  heart ';  Lat.  stem  cord-,  Sk.  hrd, 
Zend  stem  zered-  in  instrumental  zeredd,  Yasna  31.  12  (Geld- 
ner's  ed.) ;  and  from  z-stems,  Vedic  nom.  hrdi,  Ohg.  herzi-suht 
'cardia,'  Lith.  szirdi-s,  Obg.  sridi-ce.  Cf.  also  Greek  <apbia  and 
Kpadla,  and  Sk.  hrdaya-.1 

testicle  :  Old  Norse  eista,  neuter  rc-stem.  An  .s-stem,  perhaps 
as  original  representative  of  the  casus  recti,  appears  in  Obg.  isto 
'testicle'  (cf.  the  s-stems  oko  'eye,'  ucho  'ear'). 

cheek:  Ohg.  wa?iga,  neut.;  Ags.  wonge,  neut.  Old  Norse 
vange  is  masculine;  Old  Saxon  wanga  is  fem.  See  Kluge, 
Nominale  Stammbildungslehre,  §78ab  ;  Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen, 
p.  107. 

lung:  Old  Norse  lunga.     Kluge,  ibid.;  Schmidt,  108. 

ankle:  Old  Norse  ok/a.     See  ibid. 

collar-bone  :  Old  Norse  viftbeina.     See  ibid. 

breast-bone:  Old  Norse flagbrjoska.     See  ibid. 

The  following  oblique  cases  of  rc-stems  are  restricted  to  Sanskrit, 
though  in  more  than  one  case  the  possibility  that  correspondents 
existed  in  the  related  languages  must  be  taken  into  account. 

mouth  :  Sk.  gen.  dsn-ds.  Casus  recti  Lat.  ds,  Sk.  ds,  conso- 
nantal stems ;  (dsya-m),  dsia-m,  io-stem.* 

1  The  ^-declension  of  this  stem  is  at  least  Proto-Germanic  and  may,  as  far 
as  the  oblique  cases  are  concerned,  reach  back  to  I.  E.  times,  though  this  does 
not  admit  of  proof:  Goth,  hairtd,  Old  Norse  hjarta,  Old  Saxon  herta,  Ohg. 
herza.     Ags.  heorte  has  assumed  the  feminine  gender. 

2According  to  Geldner,  Metrik  d.  jUng.  Avesta,and  KZ.  xxiv.  548,  Zd.  aonhano, 
Vend.  iii.  29,  and,  according  to  Bartholomae,  Bezz.  Beitr.  xv.  33  fg.,  Zd.  asnc 
and  asnae-ca  also  represent  the  «-stem  (dsn-)  of  this  word.  The  heteroclisis 
in  that  case  may  date  back  to  Indo-Iranian  times. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  g 

bone:  Vedic  gen.  asthn-ds.  Casus  recti  dsthi,  Lat.  os,  stem 
ost-,  gen.  oss-is.  Even  the  Zend,  the  nearest  relative  of  Vedic,  has 
the  gen.  ast-as(ca)  according  to  the  consonantal  declension. 
Greek  aarc(ft)-av  'bone'  and  oan-vos  'bony.'1 

thigh:  Vedic  gen.  sakthn-ds,  casus  recti  sdkthi.  No  certain 
correspondent  in  any  of  the  related  languages.  Cf.  De  Saussure, 
M£moire,  p.  226. 

fore-arm:  Vedic  gen.  doqn-ds.  The  casus  recti  have  conso- 
nantal dos,  which  in  the  later  language  penetrates  into  the  casus 
obliqui,  e.  g.  dor-frkjdm,  Mhbhar.  i.  153,  dor-bhis,  Malavika  77. 

In  Zend  also  we  may  note  the  inroads  of  this  adaptation  in  two 
cases  of  especial  interest : 

nose  :  The  abl.  naonhanat  occurs  at  Vend.  iii.  46  ;  ix.  158.  It 
is  based  upon  an  ra-stem  ndsn-.  The  prevailing  inflection  in  Vedic 
is  upon  the  basis  of  the  consonantal  stem  nas-  in  nom.  du.  nasd, 
and  oblique  cases  nas-A,  nas-i,  nas-ds.  Cf.  Old  Persian  ace. 
ndham. 

tooth:  The  -stem  dantan-  represents  the  prevailing  form  of  this 
word,  and  it  has  remained  masculine  notwithstanding  its  transition 
to  this  type.  See  Justi,  sub  voce,  and  dantdno,  nom.  plur.  masc. 
Zend-Pahlavi  Glossary  (Haug  and  West,  pp.  8.  3;  49.  14,  etc.). 
In  addition  to  this  the  stem  data-  in  ddtdhva,  Vend.  xv.  4,  and 
tizi-ddta-,  Vend.  xiii.  16,  is  left  as  the  representative  of  the  old 
consonantal  stem,  which  has  passed  into  the  <z-declension.  ddta- 
—  dnt-d-  ? 

o 

4.  Designations  of  parts  of  the  body  in  Armenian. 

Upon  the  ground  of  the  Armenian  we  do  not  venture  with  full 
confidence,  as  the  history  of  the  individual  words  involved  in  this 
discussion  is  by  no  means  clear  in  every  detail.  But  it  is  worth 
while  to  point  out  how  completely  the  ^-declension  has  taken 
hold  of  the  designations  of  parts  of  the  body ;  in  fact,  how  large 
a  part  of  the  territory  occupied  by  such  w-stems,  as  are  at  all 
clear  etymologically,  is  in  the  hands  of  the  semasiological  category 
in  question.  We  have  here  in  the  first  place  the  word  for  eye, 
nom.  akn,  gen.  dat.  akan.  Here  the  w-declension  in  the  oblique 
cases  is  certainly  old,  and  has  absorbed  the  entire  paradigm  just  as 
in  Goth,  augd,  augins.  Cf.  Hiibschmann,  Armenische  Studien,  p. 
17,  Nr.  4.     The  word  for   ear,  unkn,  is  treated  most  recently  by 

1  Possibly  oGTd-no-g  for  *doTv.no-g  '  crab  '  shows  a  trace  of  the  w-stem  in 
Greek ;  cf.  Brugmann,  Grundriss  ii.  p.  243. 


IO  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

Friedrich  Miiller,  Armeniaca  vi.  p.  5,  Nr.  49  (Transactions  of  the 
Imperial  Academy  of  Vienna,  Vol.  cxxii.  1890).  The  form  is 
explained  most  naturally  on  the  supposition  that  it  is  based  upon 
the  old  tt-stem  of  the  oblique  cases  :  usn-  =  Goth,  ausin-  =  Gr. 
ova-(ros).  I  would  suggest  that  to  this  was  added  the  -kn  of  akn 
eye,  making  usn-kn,  which  changed  to  unkn  :  the  words  for  eye 
and  ear  are  especially  prone  to  assimilate;  see  below,  p.  13,  note. 
Now  it  is  surely  not  the  result  of  accident  that  armukn  elbow, 
gen.  armkan  (Hiibsch.  p.  21,  Nr.  45)  and  mukn,  gen.  mkan 
muscle  (also  '  mouse,'  Hiibsch.  p.  44,  Nr.  206)  are  declined  in  a 
parallel  fashion.  It  is  hard  to  believe  that  we  have  not  here  the 
adaptive  influence  of  akn  eye  and  unkn  ear.1  But  further,  we 
find  under  the  control  of  the  w-declension  the  words  for  tooth 
atamn, gen.  dat.  atama?i  (Hiibsch.  p.  20,  Nr.  33)  ;  for  nose,  rungn 
(Miiller,  p.  6,  Nr.  55);  for  foot,  otn,  gen.  otin  (Hiibsch.  p.  46, 
Nr.  230) ;  for  hand,/*r«,  gen.  jerin  (ibid.  p.  40,  Nr.  174).  We 
have  thus  eight  designations  of  parts  of  the  body,  most  of  them 
very  common,  exhibiting  similarities  of  treatment  which  is  in 
some  instances  palpably  secondary  (e.  g.  in  otn,  which  represents 
the  I.  E.  stem/^-),  and  due  no  doubt  in  some  measure  to  assimi- 
lation with  other  members  of  the  same  class.  It  is  of  course  pos- 
sible that  the  transition  of  these  words  to  the  rc-declension  is  only 
a  part  of  the  more  general  movement  which  has  drawn  other 
Armenian  substantives  into  the  weak  declension  ;  see  Hiibschmann, 
ibid.  p.  18,  Nr.  12 :  p.  19,  Nr.  22  ;  p.  20,  Nr.  31  ;  p.  28,  Nr.  86 ; 
p.  40,  No.  180;  p.  44,  Nr.  207;  p.  48,  Nr.  245;  p.  55,  Nr.  291. 
We  do  not  venture  to  decide  in  every  detail  the  points  here  sug- 
gested, but  would  emphasize  once  more  that  the  kn  at  the  end  of 
four  of  these  words  is  in  all  probability  due  to  adaptation,  while,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  appearance  as  rc-stems  of  eight  of  these  words 
presents  essentially  the  same  outcome  which  we  have  seen  in  the 
spread  of  the  rc-suffix  in  the  Germanic  designations  of  members 
of  the  body. 

5.  The  I.  E.  word  for  «  member,  limb.9 

An  old  I.  E.  word  for  part  ofthe  body  in  general  seems  to 
me  to  have  fallen  under  the  ban  of  this  adaptation  of  the  n-r- 
sufhx.     Lat.   membru-m  is  now  generally  explained  as  coming 

1  In  the  case  of  mukn  the  k  may  be  the  residue  of  an  original  diminutive 
stem  reflected  by  Lat.  muscu-{lus),  Sk.musaka:  this  rendered  the  adaptive 
process  easier. 


ADAPTATION   OF  SUFFIXES.  II 

from  mens-ro-  =  Old  Irish  mlr  '  piece  of  flesh,'  from  *mens-ra-} 
both  being  derived  by  secondary  extension  by  suffix  -ro-  from  an 
old  stem  for  'flesh,'  Vedic  mdnsd-  'flesh,'  mdns-pdcana-  'per- 
taining to  the  cooking  of  meat';  Goth,  mimza-  'meat,'  Obg.  meso 
'meat.'  But  the  Irish  derivative  with  -ro-  still  means  'meat,'  and 
not  'limb.'  On  the  other  hand,  Vedic  marman,  which  the  Peters- 
burg Lexicon— perhaps  without  desire  to  etymologize — translates 
by  'membrum,'  is  the  true  semasiological  correspondent  ofmem- 
brum  ;  see  e.  g.  AV.  vi.  75.  18  :  marmdni  te  vdrmand  chddaydmi 
'I  cover  your  limbs  with  a  coat  of  mail.'  At  Kauc.  13.  6  seven 
members  (sapta  marmdni)  are  spoken  of,  and  the  commentator 
specifies — with  what  justice  it  is  hard  to  szy—padamadhydni 
ndbhihrdayam  miirdhd  ce  'ti.1  Vedic  mdrma  is  I.  E.  mtrrnn, 
and  may  have  had  the  r-stem  *mermer  as  well  as  its  usual  side- 
form  in  -o-,  *mermro- ;  cf.  above  Sk.  asra-  by  the  side  of  stems 
asn-  and  dsrg ;  pdtra-  and  irrepo-  by  the  side  of  acci-piter ;  rjTpo- 
by  the  side  of  rJTop,  etc.  The  stem  *mermro-  containing  a  group 
of  three  consonants,  was  relieved  to  *memro-y  probably  before  the 
individual  Italian  period  ;  cf.  in  general  De  Saussure,  Memoire  de 
la  Societe  de  Linguistique,  vi.  246  fg.  Italic  *memro-  becomes 
membro-  as  hlbernu-s  for  *hlbrino-s  for  *himbrznos= Greek  x«Me~ 
pivo-s,  as  tuber,  stem  *tabro  for  tumbro-  =  Sk.  tilmra-s  'fat,  strong.' 
See  Louis  Havet,  M6moires  de  la  Soci6t6  de  Linguistique,  iii.  416; 
Osthoff,  Morph.  Unters.  v.  85  fg* 

6.  Gothic  lotus  and  tuu|>us. 

Of  especial  interest  for  the  problem  which  stands  at  the  head 
of  this  paper  is  a  small  group  of  words  designating  parts  of  the 

1  The  Hindus  always  feel  the  etymology  which  they  ascribe  to  the  word 
(root  mar  '  to  die ') :  accordingly,  the  notion  of  '  vital  part  of  the  body  '  ever  and 
again  crops  out  in  connection  with  the  word.  The  medical  castras  speak  of  five 
different  categories  of  marman,  which  are  subdivided  so  as  to  amount  altogether 
to  107  marmdni  or  vital  parts  of  the  body ;  see  Wise,  A  Digest  of  Hindu  Medi- 
cine, p.  69  fg.  ;  cf.  also  Nirukta  ix.  28  ;  xiv.  7  ;  Yajnav.  iii.  102,  and  the  list  of 
citations  from  Sugruta  given  in  the  Pet.  Lex.  sub  voce  marman.  If  the  word 
is  proethnic,  as  is  assumed  above,  their  interpretation  is  secondary,  and  it  may 
be  fairly  questioned  whether  there  is  any  connection  at  all  with  root  mar 
'to  die.' 

2  Possibly  *mermro-  survived  until  the  early  Italic  period,  producing  *mer/n- 
bro-,  losing  its  r  after  the  development  of  the  transitional  6,  just  as  in  a  later 
Italic  period  Lat.  marmor-,  *marmr-  yielded  French  *marmbre%  which  was 
relieved  by  the  loss  of  the  m  in  modern  marbre. 


1 2  AMERICAN  JO URNAL    OF  PHIL OLOGY. 

body  in  Gothic  and  other  Germanic  dialects.  The  question  has 
often  been  asked  why  the  I.  E.  stem. pod-  foot,  Proto-Germanic 
fot-,  should  have  become  fpt-u-s  in  Gothic.  The  comparison  with 
the  Vedic  &n.  \ey.  pdd-ii-s}  glossed  by  Durga  at  Nirukta  v.  19  with 
jangamana  'course,'  has  but  little  in  its  favor.  The  view,  formul- 
ated most  clearly  by  Bernhard  Kahle,  Zur  Entwicklung  der  Con- 
sonantischen  Declination  im  Germanischen,  p.  9  (cf.  also  Brug- 
mann,  Grundriss  ii.  p.  450),  is  now  generally  accepted.  According 
to  Kahle,  the  ^-inflection  of  the  Gothic  stem  began  in  the  ace.  sg. 
and  pi. :  fotu  =  Proto-Germ.fotum  =  I.  K.pddm  ;  foiuns  =  Proto- 
Germ.  fdtuns  =  I.  E.  pddns.  These  forms  coincided  with  the 
corresponding  cases  of  w-stems,  and  furnished  the  point  from 
which  the  old  consonantal  declension  could  slip  over  into  the 
^-declension.1  But  it  is  not  a  little  striking,  in  the  light  of  our 
investigation,  that  the  Gothic  word  for  tooth  has  the  very  same 
inflection :  nom.  tun\us>  etc.  Here  also  it  is  perfectly  possible 
that  the  ace.  sg.  iuri\>u,  ace.  plur.  tu?i\unsy  dat.  plur.  tun\um  should 
have  offered  occasion  for  a  change  from  the  consonantal  to  the 
^-declension  (see  Kahle,  p.  15).  But  whence  the  coincidence? 
Why  should  the  same  analogy  have  completely  overrun  both 
words  independently  in  Gothic?  It  must  be  remembered  that  in 
the  remaining  German  dialects  the  decay  of  the  proethnic  con- 
sonantal declension  of  each  of  these  words  was  followed  by  an 
eager  line  of  aspirants  from  all  possible  other  declensions  :  /-de- 
clension (e.  g.  Ohg.  dat.  plur.  fuazi?n,  zenirri),  rc-declension, 
^-declension,  etc. ;  see  Kahle,  pp.  8  fg.  and  14  fg.  It  has  hitherto 
passed  without  notice  that  in  the  consideration  of  these  two  words 
their  character  as  designations  of  parts  of  the  body  might  play  a 
role,  and  further  that  they  belong  to  a  group  of  at  least  four 
words  of  the  same  category,  handus  hand  and  kinnus  chin, 
cheek  being  the  other  two.  Of  these  kinnus  is  certainly  the  con- 
tinuation of  a  pre-Germanic  w-stem  =  Gr.  yews,  Lat.  genu-(Jnu-s) 
'belonging  to  the  cheek'  (denies  genuini) ;  Sk.  hdnu-s  'jaw,'a  etc. 

'According  to  Kahle,  pp.  8,  9,  the  dat.  plur.  fdtum  is  also  an  independent 
analogical  intruder  into  the  paradigm :  it  is  made  in  accordance  with  the  prevail- 
ing type  of  the  dat.  plur.  of  consonantal  stems  na/itum  =T>roto-Germ.*na/itumi 
for  * ■nahtmmi  ;  Proto-Germ.  fdtmi  would  have  yielded  *fdtm,  not  fdtum.  This 
form,  therefore,  may  be  added  to  fdtum  ace.  sg.,  and  fdtuns  %  ace.  plur.,  making 
in  all  three  //-forms  as  the  basis  of  the  entire  w-declension. 

2  Goth,  kinnus  for  *kinu-s  :  the  nn  from  oblique  cases  in  which  the  stem- 
final  came  to  stand  before  a  vowel :  'kint&-  became  kinn-  as  vianu  =  Vedic 
stem  mdnu-  '  man '  became  mahn-,  and  spread  over  the  entire  paradigm. 


ADAPTATION   OF  SUFFIXES.  1 3 

The  word  for  hand  seems  to  have  been  originally  a  consonantal 
stem  which  passed  over  into  the  z*-declension,  but  its  transition  has 
been  very  much  more  complete  than  that  of  the  stems  for  foot 
and  tooth;  the  ^-declension  of  hand  was  in  all  probability 
largely  completed  in  Proto-Germanic  times,  although  here  also 
forms  of  other  declensional  types  (e.  g.  Ohg.  dat.  plur.  hentirn) 
are  not  wanting;  see  Kahle,  ibid.  p.  27.  I  believe  now  that  the 
development  of  the  entire  group  was  as  follows :  Proto-Germanic 
*kin-u-s  encountered  in  early  German  times  certain  cases  of  hand- 
which  looked  like  w-forms:  ace.  sg.  handu{nt)\  ace.  plur. 
handuns ;  dat.  plur.  ha?idum(i).  The  semasiological  kinship  of 
the  two  stems  drew  on  the  latter  to  the  approximate  completion 
of  its  declension  according  to  the  «-type ;  these  two  sought  out 
in  Gothic  two  more  designations  of  parts  of  the  body,  fot-  and 
turfy-,  the  way  being  again  prepared  by  the  existence  in  each  of 
the  ambiguous  forms,  the  ace.  sg.  and  plur.  and  the  dat.  plur.  (see 
above).  One  may  venture  to  intimate  still  more  precisely  that 
kinnus  completed  the  development  of  fundus,  and  handus  the 
development  of  fdtus,  since  tooth  and  jaw,  hand  and  foot  have 
special  affinities  and  were  doubtless  often  mentioned  in  pairs. 
The  difference  in  the  gender,  kinnus  and  handus,  feminine  ;  fundus 
and/dtus,  masculine,  presented  no  difficulty,  since  fern,  and  masc. 
^-sterns  in  Gothic  are  inflected  precisely  alike  ;  as  far  as  the  Gothic 
documents  in  our  possession  are  concerned  we  may  remember 
that  kinmis  and  handus  render  the  Greek  feminines  -yeWy  and 
X€Lp,  while  fdtus  and  tun\us  reproduce  the  Greek  masculines  novs 
and  68ovs.1 

1  Further  instances  of  the  adaptation  of  suffixes  designating  parts  of  the 
body  may  be  contained  in  the  following  cases:  Vedic  sanu-,  snti-  back, 
which  I  would  compare  with  Gr.  vvaaa  for  *ow-nia  or  *ovv-Tia  '  turning-point,' 
lit. '  that  to  which  the  back  is  turned,'  and  Lat.  sinus  •  curve,  bosom,'  is  of  a 
structure  very  parallel  to  jann-,  -jnti-  knee,  Gr.  y6vv,  yvv-%.  These  two  pro- 
ethnic  stems  are  not  only  both  designations  of  parts  of  the  body,  but  they 
share  also  the  notion  of  '  bent  surface,  curvature ';  it  seems  likely  that  the 
special  structure  which  separates  these  two  groups  from  all  others  is  due  to 
some  extent  to  mutual  assimilation.  Possibly  Vedic  frnga  horn  owes  its 
difficult  secondary  suffix  -ga-  (cf.  Lat.  comu,  Goth,  haiirn,  Runic  hornd)  simply 
to  Vedic  dnga  limb;  the  meanings  are  again  peculiarly  near  each  other. 
This  explanation  seems  to  me  not  less  plausible  than  that  advanced  by  Kluge, 
Festgruss  an  Bohtlingk,  p.  60.  The  frequent  parallelism  in  the  form  of  words 
for  eye  and  ear  has  been  noted;  see,  e.  g.  Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen,  pp.  250, 
389,  406.  The  same  scholar,  ibid.  250,  note,  assumes  the  influence  of  the  Vedic 
dual  aksydu  'the  eyes'  upon  Vedic  sakthydu  '*the  thighs';  the  meanings 
are  quite  as  far  apart  as  those  of  bdovq  and  Tzovq,fdtus  and  tunyus. 


14  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

7.  Excursus  on  words  for  right  and  left. 

A  propos  of  Gothic  handus  a  few  remarks  on  words  for  right 
and  left.  The  words  for  right  from  the  root  deks  show  an 
astonishing  variety  of  suffixes,  though  the  meaning  is  apparently 
the  same.     They  may  be  grouped  as  follows: 


Suffix  -ino-. 

Suffix  -uo-. 

Suffix  -tero-. 

Suffix  -%o-. 

Suffix  -tmmo-. 

Sk.  ddkzina-. 

Goth,  taihsva-. 

Lat.  dexter. 

Gr.  degiog. 

Lat.  dextimus. 

Zd.  ddsina-. 

Ohg.  zeso  (gen. 

Gr.  det-iTEpdg. 

Obg.  desinu. 

ze'swes). 

Lith.  deszin'e  'right 

Old  Ir.  dess. 

hand.' 

Cymr.  dehou. 

Some  of  these  are  secondary:  Lat.  dextimus  presents  the 
superlative  suffix  -mmo-  in  addition  to  the  comparative  -ero-  in 
dexter,  perhaps  after  such  a  proportional  analogy  as  inferus  :  infi- 
mus  =  dexter  :  x,  i.  e.  dextimus.  Greek  degirepos  right  is  certainly 
formed  secondarily  after  its  opposite  apiarepos  left.  On  the  other 
hand,  8e£i6s  and  dexter  represent  old  comparative  formations  whose 
antiquity  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt.  Most  noticeable  are  the 
forms  in  -uo- :  Brugmann,  Rheinisches  Museum,  vol.  lxiii  401  has 
suggested  that  these  are  imitations  after  the  opposite  words  for 
'left,'  represented  by  Lat.  laevo-s  =  Gr.\at-(P)6-s  =  Obg.  levii;  Lat. 
scaevo-s  —  Gr.  o-Kai(f)6-s.  I  would  suggest  a  somewhat  broader 
basis  which  shall  include  both  manifestations  of  the  suffix  -uo- : 
while  -tero-  and  -to-  are  original  comparative  suffixes,  the  suffix 
-UO-  is  a  broader  suffix  of  direction.  Comparison  and  direc- 
tion (e.  g.  Sk.  ddksina-  'south';  Old  Ir.  dess  'south';  o-kcllo-s 
'  western ')  are  the  two  prominent  phases  of  the  function  of  the 
words  of  this  category.  In  other  words,  I  would  see  in  the  suffix 
-710-  in  words  for  right  and  left  the  suffix  which  appears  in  I.  E. 
fdk-ud-:  Vedic  ilrdhva-s  'upright,'  Gr.  6P6(f)6-s  'upright,'  Lat. 
arduo-s,  etc.  In  Vedic  writings,  e.  g.  AV.  iv.  40;  Kaucika- 
sutra  116.  3  urdhvd  is  a  designation  of  direction  (urdhva  dig)  by 
the  side  oipracl,  ddksind,  pratici,  ildici  (dig)  ;  two  more  designa- 
tions of  direction  in  the  same  lists  dhruva  and  vyadhvd  seem  to 
exhibit  the  readiness  with  which  this  suffix  adapted  itself  to  words 
of  direction.  This  point  of  view  accounts  also,  we  believe,  for  the 
appearance  of  the  suffix  -uo-  in  the  two  oldest  I.  E.  words  for  all, 
soluo- :  Gr.  ovXo-s  and  8\o-s,  Lat.  salvo-s,  Sk.  sarva-,  Zd.  haurva-, 
etc. ;  and  uikuo- :  Sk.  vigva-,  Zd.  vispa-.     These  also  were  words 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  I  5 

of  direction.  Only  it  may  be  questioned  whether  Sk.  vigva-  and 
Zd.  vlspa-  are  not  themselves  secondary  assimilations  to  soluo- 
undertaken  by  these  two  languages  independently,  since  Ache- 
menidan  visa-  and  Obg.  visi  exhibit  no  trace  of  the  u.  In  the 
earliest  Indian  writings  vigva-  and  sarva-  jostle  each  other:  the 
RV.  has  vigva-  more  frequently  than  sdrva-;  later  sdrva-  gains 
the  upper  hand. 

Brugmann,  ibid.  p.  399  fg.,  observes  that  a  large  number  of 
words  for  'left'  are  derived  from  roots  expressing  the  idea  of 
'good,  favorable,  desirable,  of  good  omen.'  Upon  this  I  would 
base  the  etymology  of  Vedic  savyd-  =  Zend  havya-  'left.'  The 
older  identification  with  scaevo-s,  o-k<u6-s,  Fick3  i.  228  (cf.  Curtius, 
Etym.5 166)  is  not  tenable ;  sk  does  not  become  s  in  Vedic  or  h  in 
Zend,  nor  does  Greek  o-kgw-s  exhibit  epenthesis  of  i.  I  regard 
savyd-  as  a  derivative  with  comparative  suffix  -io-  from  sii  'good,' 
just  as  navy  a-  'new,  recent'  is  made  with  the  same  suffix  from  nu 
'now.'  Cf.  Vedic  vdmd- '  good '  and  vama  '  left.'  Is  Gothic  hlei- 
d-uma-  'left'  to  be  compared  with  a  supposable  Sk.  *gri-tama- 
'best'?  The  d($)  in  hleiduma-  before  the  ordinary  superlative 
suffix  -uma-  (rmmo-')  would  then  perhaps  be  due  to  adaptation 
from  other  superlative  words  of  direction,  e.  g.  Ags.  si$-em-(esf). 
Or  is  it  simply  a  word  of  direction,  containing  the  root  I.  E.  klei 
'to  lean,'  and  connected  with  Ohg.  (h)ll-ta  'inclined  plane';  cf. 
k\t-tv-s  'hill'?  cf.  Brugmann,  Grundriss  ii.  p.  159.  In  that  case 
also  the  connection  between  hleiduma  and  words  like  si§em-(esf) 
seems  very  likely.1 

8.  Assimilation  of  opposite*,  and  assimilation  of 
congeners. 

If  it  shall  turn  out  that  the  explanations  offered  in  the  preced- 
ing pages  are  true,  we  may  allow  ourselves  to  dwell  for  a  moment 
upon  the  principle  which  they  involve.  In  our  opinion,  this  method 
of  investigation  is  of  great  importance.  It  has  been  known  for  a 
long  time  that  words  of  opposite  value  exert  an  attractive  influ- 

1  Wackernagel,  KZ.  xxix.  134  has  rendered  likely  that  xeP(J-  is  tne  stem  for 
'hand'  in  Greek.  Can  a  bridge  be  built  between  this  and  Aryan  *zhasta-,  Sk. 
hdsta-,  Zd.  zasta-,  Achemenidan  dasta-  ?  I.  E.  *ghers-to-,  relieved  of  its  r,  one  of 
three  consecutive  consonants,  would  yield  ghes-to-.  Such  is  the  treatment  of 
the  group  rst  in  Latin  :  to[r)stus  :  torreo,  etc.,  Stolz,  Lat.  Gr.s  §65.  3d,  p.  313. 
Possibly ,Vedic  kistd-  'singer,  poet'  may  come  from  ki(r)std-\n  some  pre-Aryan 
period  of  speech,  cf.  kirtt-  'praise,'  thus  illustrating  the  same  phonetic  pro- 
cess. 


1 6  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

ence  upon  one  another,1  and  this  knowledge  has  been  used  to 
good  purpose,  growingly  year  by  year.  The  reason  for  this  has, 
however,  largely  escaped  notice  :  opposites  attract  each  other 
because  they  belong  semasiologically  to  the  same  class.  Now, 
just  as  it  is  a  sound  mode  of  procedure  while  watching  the  historical 
change  or  development  of  a  certain  word,  to  keep  an  eye  con- 
stantly upon  the  parallel  development  of  its  opposite  or  its  oppo- 
sites, so  it  is  true  method  to  consider  all  the  members  of  that 
broader  class  of  which  the  Nword  and  its  opposite  form  are  but 
single  representatives.  Let  me  illustrate  by  a  new  example  which 
seems  to  me  especially  well  calculated  to  place  this  point  into  the 
right  light.  The  ordinary  word  for  white  in  the  Veda  is  gvetd- y 
a  prehistoric  word,  comparable  with  Obg.  svetu  'light/  and  less 
directly  with  Goth.  hveit(a)-s  '  white.' a  By  its  side  stands  a  rarer 
word  with  a  slightly  differentiated  meaning  gyeid-  white,  red- 
dish-white, which  looks  altogether  as  though  it  were  merely  a 
modification  of  fvetd- ;  certainly  no  independent  etymology  for 
the  word  can  be  found.  I  would  suggest  .that  gyetd-  is  a  modifi- 
cation of  gvetd-  after  it  had  fallen  under  the  influence  of  its 
opposites  fydmd-  and  gydvd-  black,  dark.  Thus  much  for  the 
influence  of  these  opposites  upon  one  another.  Now,  this 
secondary  word  gyetd-  white,  duly  takes  a  place  among  words 
of  color  in  general,  and  forms  a  feminine  gytni  in  accordance 
with  the  far-reaching  fact — itself  no  doubt  due  to  adaptation — 
that  color-words  ending  in  -ta-  make  feminines  in  -nl ;  see 
below  under  paragraph  n,  p.  26.  But  once  more,  the  regular 
feminine  of  gvetd-  is  gvetd :  the  word  in  this  form  has  not  obeyed 

1  Of  the  literature  on  this  subject,  which  is  constantly  growing,  I  will  point 
out  only  the  following :  Osthoff,  Morphologische  Untersuchungen,  ii.  35  ; 
Wackernagel,  KZ.  xxv.  289  fg.;  Brugmann,  Berichte  der  Kgl.  Sachsischen 
Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften,  1883,  p.  191  fg. ;  Stolz,  Wiener  Studien,  ix. 
305;  Wheeler,  Analogy  (Ithaca,  18S7),  p.  19;  Brugmann,  Grundriss,  ii.  no, 
292,453  note  2,  465;  Joh.  Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen,  207,  212  note.  To  the 
scant  list  of  cases  of  syntactical  analogy  of  opposites  I  would  add  Eng.  differ 
with,  which  is  a  modification  of  differ  from  made  in  deference  to  the 
form  and  the  meaning  of  agree  with;  to  differ  with  means  not  to 
agree  with;  it  never  means  to  differ  in  form,  character,  etc.  Does 
Greek  akvudq  owe  its  v  to  the  influence  of  the  stem  rjdv-  ? 

2  It  looks  as  though  Proto-Germ.  *hveita-s  from  I.  E.  kueito-s  o\jz&  its  /instead 
of  p  (*hveiya-s)  to  the  analogy  of  its  opposite  *svarta-s,  I.  E.  suordo-s.  Note 
Goth,  hveits  and  svarts  ;  Old  Norse  hvitr  and  svartr;  Old  Saxon  hvit  and 
svart ;  Middle  English  hwit  and  swart,  etc. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  1 7 

the  call  of  the  adaptive  law  of  the  feminines  just  now  alluded  to. 
Yet  Vopadeva  iv.  27  reports  a  feminine  fveni,  which  is  likely 
enough  to  have  been  formed  somewhere  or  other  in  deference  to 
the  special  inducement  offered  by  that  fern,  gyeni,  which  itself 
sprung  from  the  loins  of  fvetd- :  truly  a  clear  illustration  of  the 
influence  of  an  opposite  blending  with  the  influence  of  a  congeneric 
word  into  one  composite  result.  I  believe  that  the  presence  of 
this  principle  in  the  minds  of  those  who  investigate  the  history  of 
words  will  be  found  more  and  more  a  means  of  saving  much 
acute  but  futile  phonetics,  and  I  hope  to  add  a  few  more  illustra- 
tions of  this  point  in  the  sequel  of  this  article.  All  this  is  of 
especial  importance  in  the  study  of  the  history  of  noun-suffixes ; 
the  suffix  must  be  considered  from  two  leading  points  of  view : 
first,  in  the  light  of  the  entire  mass  of  material  which  has  the 
same  and  related  suffixes  ;  secondly,  in  the  light  of  the  semasio- 
logical  category  to  which  the  word  belongs.  Kluge,  in  his  Nomi- 
nate Stammbildungslehre  der  Altgermanischen  Dialecte,  has 
emphasized  the  latter  point  of  view  perhaps  a  little  too  much  at 
the  expense  of  the  former ;  Brugmann,  in  the  second  volume  of 
his  Grundriss,  has  emphasized  the  first  at  the  expense  of  the 
second ;  only  an  appendix  (ii.  pp.  419  fg.)  deals  with  the  sema- 
siological  categories.  Even  this,  however,  is  full  of  suggestion, 
as  is  everything  which  comes  from  the  pen  of  this  gifted  scholar. 

9.  Designations  of  birds,  animals,  and  plants 
in  Greek. 

In  Brugmann's  discussion  of  the  Greek  suffix  -*o-,  -*-  (nom.  -£), 
ibid.  pp.  243,  255,  257,  there  is  no  indication  of  the  fact  that  this 
suffix  is  largely  pre-empted  by  designations  of  animals,  especially 
birds  and  plants.     Thus : 

1.  Birds:  yXai£  owl;  Upa^Xp^  hawk;  "vy£  (i/3u£)  wryneck; 
icavag,  kt)L'£,  kx)%  sea-gull;  k6kkv£  cuckoo;  <6pa^  crow;  Kpeg  = 
Lat.  crex  ;  oprv£  quail;  nepdig  partridge;  ^Xrj^  combless 
cock. 

2.  Other  animals:  dl£  goat ;  dXdnrr}^  fo  x ;  d<nrdXa£,  or7ra\a£  m  o  1  e ; 
&6a£  a  fish;  £d/zj3u£  silk-worm  ;  de\<pag  pig;  Xa/3pa£  sea-wolf 
(fish);  XdXag  croaking  frog;  Xelpag  snail;  Xvyg  lynx  ;  pvpMg 
ant;  Troprag  calf;  np6£  roe;  7rra>£,  nrdg  hare;  o-KvXag  puppy; 
o-K<aXr]£  worm;  o-^wasp;  tctti£  grasshopper  ;  vo-rptg  hedge- 
hog; <poLvi£  phoenix.     Persian  spaka-  dog  promptly  becomes 

*o-7ra£,  aCC.  (Tirana,  Hd.  i.  IIO. 


1 8  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

3.  Plants  and  the  like:  y\&£  beard  of  corn;  dovag,  8oi>va£ 
reed;  av6cpi£  beard  of  corn;  dplda£  lettuce  ;  Adpi£  lark-tree ; 
vdPdr]£  ferula;  fy(pa£  unripe  grape;  fy^  shoot;  pd£,  p<i>$ 
berry,  grape;  <Tfu\ag  y e w ;  cpolvig  palm.     Cf.  also  *d\v£  bud. 

Even  a  superficial  survey  of  these  lists  shows  that  there  must 
have  existed  in  the  speech-sense  of  the  Greeks  the  feeling  that 
the  suffix  -£  (nominative)  was  especially  fit  for  designations  of 
animals  and  plants,  in  other  words  that  the  suffix  had  adapted 
itself  definitely  to  such  use.  Further,  a  glance  at  Kluge,  Stamm- 
bildung,  §61,  p.  29,  shows  that  the  germs  of  this  adaptation  are 
pre-Hellenic.  Ohg.  chranuh  kranich;  Goth,  ahaks  dove; 
Ohg.  habuh  habicht,  hawk;  Ags.  ruddoc;  Middle  Engl, 
puttock;  Engl,  pinnock  exhibit  the  same  suffix  adapted  to 
the  same  function,  well  established  in  German.1  In  all  likeli- 
hood the  adaptation  of  this  suffix  to  the  designation  of  birds 
began  in  proethnic  times,  and  was  emphasized  anew  in  Greek  and 
German ;  cf.  Armenian  krunk  =  Ohg.  chranuh ;  oprvg  ==  Sk. 
vartika,  vartaka-.  A  survey  of  the  Greek  list  of  names  of  birds 
suggests  furthermore  one  or  two  interesting  details  and  questions. 
Brugmann,  Grundriss  ii.  243,  suggests  that  v  of  oprvg  may  be  due 
to  the  v  of  KOKKvg,  tpvg,  etc.,  the  Sk.  having  a  before  the  k  (var- 
taka-'). Very  likely,  and  I  would  suggest  the  same  explanation 
for  the  v  of  nrepvg  wing.  Joh.  Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen,  p.  176 
note,  assumes  that  nrepvy-  is  a  cumulative  analogical  formation 
(syncretic  analogy),  the  result  of  two  prehistoric  stems,  one 
having  the  final  I.  E.  3  without  preceding  u  (Zd.  *pterej-,  Old 
Netherl.-  fetherac) ;  the  other  ending  in  u  without  the  guttural 
(represented  by  Vedic  patdru-  'flying').  Far  simpler  and  quite 
as  likely  seems  to  me  the  assumption  that  some  word  for  'wing,' 
either  irrepo-v  or  a  stem  ending  in  a  guttural  not  preceded  by  u, 
fell  under  the  influence  of  bird-names  in  vgy  borrowing  from  them 
either  the  entire  suffix  -vg  or  at  least  the  v.  Bird  and  wing 
approximate  one  another  about  as  closely  in  meaning,  e.  g.  as 
night  and  sleep,  whose  similarity  in  meaning  Joh.  Schmidt, 
ibid.  p.  212  note,  employs  to  account  for  the  formation  of  Vedic 
svapnaya  i n  s  1  e e p,  after  the  pattern  of  naktaya  by  night.  Again, 
the  v  of  nom.  ow£  claw,  nail  may  in  its  turn  have  been  influ- 
enced by  nrepvg  and  the  names  of  birds  in  -i>£ :  the  v  is  in  some 

1  For  other  designations  of  animals  in  German  by  definite  suffixes  which 
have  no  doubt  spread  by  adaptation,  see  Kluge,  ibid.  §§3,  6,  18,  28,  34, 
84,  100.     Cf.  also  in  general  below,  p.  24  fg. 


ADAPTATION   OF  SUFFIXES.  1 9 

way  or  other  secondary  ;  cf.  Sk.  nakhd-s,  Ohg.  nagal,  Lat.  unguis, 
Lith.  naga-s,  etc.  Similarly  the  word  for  egg,  Ohg.  ei,  plur. 
£Z£7>  (Nhg.  «',  eier)  follows  the  adaptation  of  the  I.  E.  suffix  -os, 
-es,  Proto-Germanic  -az,  ~iz,  which  begins  to  play  the  role  of  a 
plur.  suffix,  at  first  largely  in  designations  of  animals,  e.  g.  Ohg. 
kalb,  plur.  kalbir  calf;  see  Kluge,  ibid.  §84  ;  Brugmann,  Grund- 
riss,  p.  395. 

10.  Designations  of  divisions  of  time. 

That  a  chain  of  adaptation  started  to  bind  together  in  some 
early  period  of  I.  E.  history  the  designations  of  seasons  and 
divisions  of  time  has,  as  far  as  I  know,  hitherto  not  been 
observed,  or  distinctly  stated.  The  metaplastic  declension  in  -r 
and  -n,  the  same  which  proved  so  active  in  bringing  together  the 
designations  of  members  of  the  body,  has  gained  quite  a  con- 
siderable footing  within  this  semasiological  category.  An  old 
declension  *veser  or  vesr  (casus  recti),  *vesn/s  seems  to  lie  at  the 
base  of  the  multiform  representatives  of  the  I.  E.  word  for 
spring.  The  r-stem  appears  in  Greek  tap,  ?jp,  Lat.  ver  (Brug- 
mann, Grundriss  i.  430),  Old  Norse  vdr  (Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen, 
p.  201);  Zend  vanhr-i  (Zend-Pahlavi  glossary);  Lith.  vasar-ci 
'summer';  perhaps  also  Vedic  vasar-ha  (Ludwig,  RV.  vol.  iv.  191 ; 
Bartholomae,  Bezz.  Beitr.  xv.  15).  The  w-stem  is  at  the  base  of 
Obg.  vesn-a  and  Vedic  vasan-td-  spring. 

The  word  for  winter  has  developed  early,  though  possibly 
secondarily,  the  same  double  suffix :  -r  in  Greek  x«/uep-u/d-r,  Lat. 
hibernus  (cf.  above,  p.  11),  Armenian  jme'r-n,  gen.  jmer-an  ;  the 
w-suffix  in  Vedic  hemdn-,  heman-td-,  Gr.  xel/ui,  x«/*a>*>,  Arm.  jiun 
from  *jivan  =  *jiman ;  see  Hubschmann,  Armenische  Studien, 
p.  18,  Nr.  12;  p.  40,  Nr.  178.  The  additional  suffix  with  n  in 
Arm.  jmer-n,  jmer-an  may  represent  the  blending  of  the  oblique 
^-cases  with  the  casus  recti  in  -r.  The  r-n  suffix  appears  also 
in  Arm.  amar-n,  gen.  amar-an  summer,  the  stem  amar-  being 
=  Ohg.  sumar  (cf.  Ved.  sdmd  'year,'  Zend  hama  'summer'); 
-r  and  -n  are  blended  in  this  Armenian  word  just  as  in  the  word 
for  winter.  The  word  for  night  exhibits  the  r-stem  in  vvKrap, 
wKTep-ls,  vvKT€p-iv6-s,  Lat.  noctur-nus,  Zend  nahiare  in  nahtourusu 
(Bartholomae  in  Bezz.  Beitr.  xv.  19)  ;  the  rc-stem  in  the  solitary 
Vedic  naktd-bhis  (RV.  vii.  104,  8=AV.  viii.  4,  18)  which  Joh. 
Schmidt,  KZ.  xxvi.  18,  and  Pluralbildungen,  p.  212,  identifies 
with  Goth,  nahtam  (w-stem).  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  nak- 
tdbhis  by  night  might  be  the  analogical  opposite  of  dhabhis  by 


20  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

day  (see  below,  p.  22),  but  the  difference  in  the  accent  renders 
this  unlikely  ;  the  accent  of  naktdbhis  is  the  old  accent  of  the 
oblique  cases,  that  of  dhabhis,  as  well  as  the  entire  stem  dhan-, 
seems  to  have  followed  the  analogy  of  dhar  and  dhas  {dhobhis). 
Goth,  nahtam  could  also  be  imagined  as  the  opposite  of  the  o. 
stem  dagam,  but  for  Goth,  nahta-mats  'supper,'  which,  like  Goth. 
auga-daurd  'window'  (cf.  dat.  plur.  augani),  has  propagated  the 
inorganic  representatives  of  the  rc-stem  :  the  w-stem  seems  there- 
fore to  be  old. 

The  heteroclitic  declension  appears  most  clearly  in  Gr.  rjpap 
(Jniiepa),  finaros  day;  Vedic  dhar,  dhn-as  (Zend  loc.  asni)  day; 
Zd.  Isapare,  gen.  hsafnd  night,  Vedic  «',wrdawn  (extended  to 
the  oblique  cases,  gen.  usrds)  ;  cf.  also  vdsard-  early;  Lith. 
auszrd,  Gr.  fa'p-ios,  avp-10-v,  rjpi  in  the  morning:  a  trace  of  the 
rc-stem  perhaps  in  Zend  uYsdnd  (=*usdno),  according  to  Geldner, 
Bezz.  Beitr.  xiv.  1.  The  r-stem  without  the  rc-stem  is  found  in 
Zd.  ayare  day  ;l  Zd.  ydre,  ydra-  year,  Goth,  jer,  Gr.  &pa,  Obg. 
jaru,  jara;  further  in  the  German  stem  for  winter  in  Ohg. 
wintar,  Ags.  vinter,  Goth.  vintr-us;  and  for  summer:  Ohg. 
sumar,  Ags.  sumer;  see  Kahle,  ibid.  p.  18;  Kluge,  Stamm- 
bildung,  p.  2 ;  Schmidt,  Pluralbildung,  p.  207.  The  r-stem 
appears  also  in  Vedic  vatsard-  year,  by  the  side  of  vatsd-  'year- 
ling calf  and  Gr.  feros :  cf.  Cu.  Etym.5  p.  208;  HUbschmann, 
ibid.  Likewise  in  Latin  vesper,  vespera,  Gr.  eane'pa  evening, 
parallel  but  not  identical  with  which  are  Lith.  vdkara-s,  Obg. 
veceril  '  evening':  the  suffix  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Greek  and 
Latin  words.  Cf.  Schmidt,  ibid.  p.  18  note.  Further,  Ohg. 
demar  'crepusculum,'  demer-ungd  'crepusculum '  seems  to  hold 
the  same  relation  to  Ved.  tdmas  as  u§ar-  :  zisas,  above  ;  see 
Schmidt,  ibid.  p.  206.  Here  also  belong  Ohg.  wetar,  Ags.  weder 
weather;  cf.  Obg.  vedro  hot  weather;  perhaps  likewise  the 
adverbially  employed  stems,  Vedic  muhur  quickly  (cf.  muhur-td 
moment)  ;  sabar-  at  once,  in  sabar-dhuk  (nom.),  sabar-dugha- 
4 giving  milk  at  once';  Ved.  ptinar  again;  Zd.  isare  at  once; 
Gr.  acpap  immediately,  of  which  the  corresponding  n-stem  may 
be  contained  in  acpv-a>  of  a  sudden.2 

1  Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen,  p.  216  note,  assumes  that  this  word  is  the  Zend 
representative  of  Vedic  dhar,  having  changed  its  true  form  *azar  (cf.  loc.  asni) 
perhaps  under  the  influence  of  y are  year.     Cf.  also  ayara-  '  genius  of  the  day.' 

2  Very  different  etymological  views  in  reference  to  this  word  have  been 
advanced  by  Froehde,  Bezz.  Beitr.  x.  294  ;  Bartholomae,  ibid.  xv.  17  ;  Schmidt, 
Pluralbildungen,  p.  516  note.     Cf.  also  Kretschmer  in  KZ.  xxxi.  35 r. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  21 

The  process  of  adaptation  of  the  suffix  to  words  for  division  of 
time  obtained  an  additional  impetus  from  their  secondary  adjec- 
tive derivatives  in  -mo- ;  this,  by  clipping  the  final  r  of  the  stem, 
yielded  -rino-,  and  seems  to  have  become  independently  produc- 
tive in  proethnic  times.  The  representatives  of  this  formation 
are  restricted  to  Greek  and  Latin  :  iapivo-s,  x€lH-€PlJ/o-s  (cf.  depivo-s), 
wKTepivo-s,  rjnepivo-s,  e<nr€piv6s J1  Lat.  vernu-s,  noctumu-s,  diurnu-s, 
vesperna,  hibernu-s.'1 

1  Suff.  -tvo-  also  exhibits  in  Greek  signs  of  independent  productivity  as  a 
means  of  making  derivatives  from  words  for  divisions  of  time :  6eikivo-g, 
nepvaivd-g,  depivo-g,  oTrupivo-g,  eudiv6-g. 

2  Of  recent  years  the  view  has  been  expressed  with  growing  confidence  that 
the  r-stems  in  the  heteroclitic  declension  in  r-n,  and  elsewhere,  are  in  reality 
case-forms  with  original  locative  value,  which  have  been  made  the  basis  of  a 
more  or  less  complete  declensional  system.  Thus  recently  Bartholomae,  Bezz. 
Beitr.  xv.  14  fg. ;  Johansson,  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1890,  Nr.  19,  p.  774.  At  the  base 
of  this  view  seems  to  lie  the  consideration  that  designations  of  time,  space, 
and  parts  of  the  body  are  peculiarly  addicted  to  such  declensional  methods 
(Johansson,  ibid.).  In  the  case  of  words  for  time  and  space  which  are  a  priori 
very  liable  to  be  employed  in  the  locative,  a  certain  degree  of  plausibility 
attaches  to  this  view.  But  how  about  designations  of  parts  of  the  body  ?  Is 
it  at  all,  likely  that  the  I.  E.  form,  represented  by  ^ap  =  Lat.  jecur=  Sk. 
yakrt,  etc.,  ever  meant  in  proethnic  times  '  in  the  liver,'  though  no  such  case 
value  is  ever  attached  to  it  in  any  period  of  I.  E.  speech  ?  And  why  should 
the  declension  of  the  casus  recti  of  the  word  for  water  vdop  =  Ohg.  wazar 
have  developed  paradoxically  out  of  the  locative,  the  casus  obliquus  par  excel- 
lence ?  There  are  a  plenty  of  other  words  in  -p  which  have  nothing  to  do 
with  time,  space,  and  parts  of  the  body.  I  will  mention  from  the  Greek, 
without  aiming  at  exhaustiveness:  akuap,  -arog  *  wheaten  flour';  aheityap,  -arog 
'unguent';  almp  indecl.  'bulwark';  6i?^ap,  -arog  'bait';  elliap,  -apog  'cover- 
ing'; hXdop,  eMup  'desire';  e^wp,  -upog  'booty';  nelop,  -upog  'son';  ttreap, 
•arog  'possessions';  Ivpap  'filth';  panap,  -apog  'blessed';  pvXaP  'expedient'; 
pupap,  pvpap  'blame';  venrap,  -apoq  'nectar';  bap  (up),bapoq  'consort';  bvap 
'dream';  dveiap,  -arog  '  food';  Tretpap,  -arog  '  end';  7re2xop  '  monster';  irlap,  indecl. 
'  fat '  GCiKxop  '  sugar  '  oreap,  -arog  '  tallow ';  renpap,  reupcop '  boundary,  aim ';  vrrap 
'waking  vision';  typtap,  -arog  'well.'  Cf.  also  e.  g.  Lat.  iter,  itineris  'way'; 
cicer,  ciceris  'pulse';  Ags.  tiber,  tifer,  Ohg.  zebar,  Nhg.  ziefer,  ge-ziefer,  un-ge- 
ziefer,  as  specimens  from  languages  outside  of  Greek.  These  words,  many  of 
them  old,  exhibit  the  greatest  variety  of  meanings,  and  the  association  of  their 
r- forms  with  the  locative  can  be  undertaken  only  with  utter  disregard  of  their 
face-value.  Bartholomae,  in  another  little  article  entitled  'Arische  lokative 
mit  «,'  ibid.  p.  25  fg.,  goes  still  farther  and  assumes  that  the  w-cases  of  the 
heteroclitic  declensions  in  r-n  also  grew  up  on  the  basis  of  a  locative  in  »,  and 
he  does  not  hesitate  to  take  very  sturdily  the  consequences  of  this  view  :  they 
may  be  stated  by  saying  that  the  entire  declension  of  the  words  for  '  liver,' 
rjTzap,  -arog,  etc.,  or  'blood,'  Vedic  dsrj,  asnds,  etc.,  has  grown  up  on  the  basis 


22  AMERICAN  JOURNAL    OF  PHILOLOGY. 

Words  for  seasons  and  divisions  of  time  also  present  here  and 
there  minor  adaptive  groups  or  instances  of  assimilation  of 
single  forms.  It  is  certainly  not  accidental  that  vasantd-  spring 
and  hemantd-  winter  are  formed  exactly  alike;  as  far  as  the 
secondary  ~td-  is  concerned  one  may  mention  muhiirtd-  moment 
in  the  same  connection.  The  suffix  -ina-  occurs  in  Vedic  sam- 
vatsarina-  yearly  and firdvrsinam  (sc.  dhar)  belonging  to  the 
rainyseason,  varsa.  The  identity  of  the  endings  in  au{c)tum- 
nus  and  vertumnus  may  not  be  altogether  accidental.  The  suffix  d 
of  Sk.  g  ardd  autumn  is  repeated — not  accidentally  it  may  be  sup- 
posed— in  Ohg.  stem  lengiz-,  Ags.  lenct-en,  spring,  lent;  it  is  to 
be  noted  that  to  our  conception  these  two  words  for  season  are  oppo- 
sites,  though  they  were  probably  not  felt  to  be  so  in  the  region  of 
the  earth  in  which  they  were  formed.  The  assimilation  of  oppo- 
sites  is  especially  frequent  in  names  for  divisions  of  time:  Armen- 
ian jmern  and  amarn  winter  and  summer  (cf.  above)  palpably 
exhibit  similarities  of  structure  too  close  to  be  accidental.  Brug- 
mann,  Grundriss  ii.  p.  453,  note  2,  even  assumes  that  the  m  in 
the  words  oldest  I.  E.  stem  for  winter,  Lat.  hiem-s,  etc.,  has  come 
in  the  place  of  n  owing  to  the  m  of  the  I.  E.  stem  sent-  summer. 
The  German  words  for  summer  and  winter  often  influence  the 
gender  and  declension  of  one  another;  see  Kahle,  ibid.  p.  20; 
Schmidt,  ibid.  p.  207.  It  is  now  well  known  that  Lat.  diurnus  is 
patterned  after  nocturnus,  while  on  the  other  hand  noctu  is  pat- 
terned after  diu ;  that  Obg.  dinija  by  day  is  formed  after  nostijq 
by  night;  that  both  ending  and  gender  of  Ohg.  tages  have 
passed  over  to  Ohg.  nahtes;  that  the  stem  Vedic  dosds-  even- 
ing is  a  transformation  of  dosa  after  the  analogy  of  usds-  morn- 
ing, at  AV.  xvi.  4,  6;  see  Brugmann,  Berichteder  Konigl.  Sachs. 
Gesellsch.  1883,  p.  192;  Schmidt,  ibid.  p.  207.  The  solitary  form 
naktdbhiSy  RV.  vii.  104,  18  =  AV.  viii.  4, 18,  may  possibly,  though 

of  original  locatives.  One  may  ask  whimsically  how  often  the  ancient  Indo- 
Europeans,  who  were  scarcely  advanced  bacteriologists,  had  occasion  to  employ 
the  expression  'in  the  blood.'  The  verisimilitude  of  this  entire  line  of  theo- 
ries seems  to  lie  solely  in  the  fact  that  the  suffixes  r-n  adapted  themselves  very 
early  to  designations  of  time  and  space  ;  here  locative  function  prevails. 
When  winter,  or  summer,  day  or  night  are  mentioned  in  simple  non-reflective 
language  it  is  naturally  and  almost  always  '  in  winter,'  '  in  summer,'  '  by  day,' 
'by  night,'  and  the  investigator  may  be  led  to  seek  the  cause  of  this  prepon- 
derating, but  accidental  locative  function  in  any  marked  peculiarity  of  form, 
although  this  peculiarity  may  be  due  to  a  totally  different  line  of  historical 
causes. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  2$ 

not  probably,  turn  out  to  be  an  analogical  opposite  of  dhabhis  (see 
above,  p.  19). 

11.  Adaptation  in  other  substantival  categories. 

In  the  following  we  shall  assemble  a  few  additional  cases  of  the 
adaptation  of  suffixes  from  various  quarters  of  I.  E.  speech.  No 
attempt  to  exhaust  the  subject  in  any  direction  is  intended;  my 
object  is  rather  to  put  into  stronger  relief  the  explanations  sug- 
gested in  the  preceding  pages,  and,  what  is  more  important,  to 
push  forward  to  a  more  prominent  place  this  mode  of  inquiry, 
whose  ideal  outcome  is  to  decide  in  investigation  the  fate  of  no 
word  without  having  first  surveyed  the  whole  line  of  its  lexical 
relatives. 

The  authors  of  the  Sanskrit  lexicon  of  the  Petersburg  Academy 
were  first  to  indicate  that  adaptation  was  at  work  very  early  in 
establishing  the  prevailing  forms  of  the  earliest  I.  E.  category  of 
nouns  of  relationship.  In  Vol.  iv.  p.  690a,  note  (s.  v.  mdtar),  they 
say  :  ' pitar  and  mdtar  sind  zwar  urindogermanisch,  aber  schwer- 
lich  die  altesten  namen  fur  vater  und  mutter.  Diese  werden 
pa  und  md  oder  ahnlich  (vgl.  tata  und  nana)  gelautet  haben,  und 
diese  naturlaute  mbgen  in  einer  spateren  schon  reflectierenden 
periode  der  sprache  bei  der  bildung  von  pitar  und  mdtar  maass- 
gebend  gewesen  sein.'  From  proethnic  times  come  the  words  of 
relationship  pdter-  father,  mater-  mother,  bhrater-,  bhrator- 
brother,  dhughdUr-  daughter,  sue'sor-  sister;  daiu/r-  (darjp, 
Lat.  levir)  husband's  brother;  the  stem  corresponding  to 
Vedicydtar-, Gr.  «W«rp-«  or  dvdrep-es,  'LzX.janitr-ic-es  brothers' 
wives  (strong  stem  dindter-\  weak  stem  inter-))  and  the  stem 
corresponding  to  Vedic  jdmatar-  (yijdmdtdr-)  son-in-law  (cf. 

yapftpos). 

We  may  regard  it  as  certain  that  the  spread  of  the  suffixes 
-ter-y  -er-  over  this  category  began  with  some  one  or  two  words 
of  relationship,  in  which  the  suffix  had  the  ordinary  function  of 
agency,  without,  of  course,  any  implication  of  relationship.  The 
word  for  father  seems  to  have  the  best  claim  to  be  considered 
the  originator  of  the  category  :  pdtir-  seems  to  contain  the  same 
root  as  pd-ti-s  (Sk.  pdti-s,  nom-i)  husband  and  h£-pot  nephew, 
grandchild  (cf.Leumann  in  Festgruss  an  Bohtlingk,  p.  77).  By 
the  side  of/<?//r-  'protector/ used  as  a  frozen  epithet  of  father, 
stood  pdy  the  I.E.*  lallwort '  for  f a  t  h  e  r.  By  proportional  analogy 
the  'lallwort '  for  mother  would  give  rise  to  mdttr-  {pa  \pdi£r  = 


24  AMERICAN  JOURNAL   OF  PHILOLOGY. 

md:x,  i.  e.  mdUr-').1     The  propagation  of  the  suffix  after  that 
would  be  a  natural  consequence. 

Especially  interesting  and  corroborative  are  the  cases  in  which 
the  suffixes  or  case-endings  of  the  nouns  of  relationship  in  -ter-> 
-er-  make  inroads  on  other  nouns  of  relationship  within  the  his- 
tory of  the  individual  languages.  Thus  the  Vedic  stem  ndndndar- 
husband's  sister,  which  occurs  but  a  single  time  at  RV.  x.  85, 
46,  is  in  all  probability  a  tentative  formation  according  to  this 
type. 

The  stem  I.  E.  ne'pot  nephew,  grandchild  partially  passes 
over  into  the  r-declension  in  Indo-Iranian  times:  e.  g.  Vedic  dat. 
sg.  ndptre,  somewhat  later  (TS.  i.  3,  11,  1)  ace.  sg.  n&ptdram; 
Zend  gen.  sg.  nafe§rd-,  ace.  sg.  naptdrem.  Similarly  Vedic 
pdti-s  in  the  sense  of  husband — not  in  the  sense  of  'lord' — has 
in  various  cases  assumed  case-endings  like  the  nouns  of  relation- 
ship, e.  g.  gen.  patyilr^-us)  like  pitur^-us) :  in  this  it  is  followed 
in  a  single  case  by  the  stem  jam-  wife,  which  also  makes  the  gen. 
jdnyus  in  the  Veda.  These  again  are  followed  by  sakhi-  friend, 
which  makes  gen.  sdkhyus.  The  anomalous  dat.  plur.  vld<n  (for 
*vle'(n)  unquestionably  follows  Trarpao-t,  Bvyarpdai ;  cf.  Wackernagel 
in  KZ.  xxv.  289.  Possibly  the  Germanic  forms  corresponding  to 
I.  E.  daiuer-  brother-in-law  which  exhibit  a  guttural,  Ags. 
tdcor  and  especially  Ohg.  zeihhur>  are  indebted  to  forms  of  I.  E. 
svekuro-  father-in-law  for  its  appearance.  Cf.  especially  Ohg. 
svehur.'1 

An  I.  E.  secondary  suffix  -bho~  is  employed  extensively  in 
Sanskrit  and  Greek  for  the  formation  of  names  of  animals.  Thus, 
Vedic  or  Sanskrit  vrsabhd-  and  rsabhd-  bull,  garabhd-  a  f a  b  u- 
lous  animal,  gardabhet-  and  rasabha-  ass,  ferabha-  snake,  and 
a  list  of  eight  others   offered  by  Whitney,  Sk.  Gr.2   1199a.     In 

1  Cf.  the  somewhat  different  view  advanced  by  Delbruck,  Die  Indoger- 
manischen  Verwandtschaftsnamen,  p.  68  fg.  Delbruck  records  the  interesting 
observation  that  the  word  pita r-  never  means  'progenitor'  in  the  Rig-Veda. 

2  Note  in  this  connection  the  little  Germanic  category  formed  with  a  suffix 
containing  gutturals  to  express  collectives  from  nouns  of  relationship :  Goth. 
broprahans  brothers;  Old  Norse  ftftgar,  plur.  tant.  masc.  fatherandson; 
mot&gur,  plur.  tan t.  fem.  mother  and  daughter,  and  the  neuter  pluralia 
tant.  fe^gin  father  and  mother;  moe^gin  mother  and  son;  systkin 
brother  and  sister  ,  fripgen  pair  of  lovers.  See  Kluge,  Stammbildung, 
§68a;  Schmidt,  Phiralbildungen,  p.  16.  No  one  seems  to  be  able  to  point  out 
the  exact  source  of  this  adaptation.  For  other  designations  of  relatives,  etc., 
see  also  Kluge,  ibid.  §§25,  26. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  2$ 

Greek  c\a<f>o-s  deer  ;  ept^o-s  young  goat;  tcipacpo-s  fox  ;  <6pa<po-s 
raven ;  Kd\a<po-s,  do-KaXacpo-s  owl,  and  a  few  others  cited  by  Brug- 
mann,  Grundriss  ii.  p.  204.  Here  also  it  is  safe  to  judge  that  the 
ending  -bho-  turned  up  accidentally  in  some  one  or  a  few  designa- 
tions of  animals,  and  was  propagated  either  in  I.  E.  times  or  by 
Sanskrit  and  Greek,  each  on  its  own  account.  We  are  not  in  the 
position  to  suggest  the  starting-point  for  the  development.  In 
Kluge's  Stammbildung  groups  of  animals  formed  with  one  and 
the  same  suffix  are  mentioned  in  §§3,  6,  18,  28,  34,  84,  100.  The 
most  interesting  of  these  are  those  which  are  felt  to  be  imbued 
with  such  force  in  the  consciousness  of  living  dialects,  e.  g.  -chs 
inNhg.ochs,  fuchs,  luchs,  dachs,  lachs  (cf.K.34);  -^rinNhg. 
kater,  biber,  hamster,  tieger,  panther,  ganser-ich  (late 
Mhg.ganzer,  Engl,  gander),  tauber-ich,  adler,1  geier,  sper- 
ber,  etc.  (cf.  K.  34);  -ling  in  sperli-ng,  hanfling,  hering, 
griindling,  gressling,  saibling,  buckling3  (cf.  K.  100). 
Unquestionably  these  suffixes  would  be  put  into  requisition  in 
modern  German  if  the  call  for  new  designations  of  animals  be- 
came sufficiently  imperative.3 

Words  for  color  are  especially  prone  to  adaptive  influence.  In 
Latin  and  German  the  I.  E.  suffix  -uo-y  intrinsically  one  of  the  most 
nondescript  formative  elements,  develops  this  special  function : 
helvu-s  yellow,  Ohg.  gelo ;  flavus  e  viridi  et  rufo  et  albo 
concretus  (Fronto,  in  Gellius  ii.  26,  11),  perhaps  identical  with 

1  A  patent  case  of  assimilation  to  this  class  :  adler  =  Ohg.  adal-ar  '  edel-aar.' 
2 Possibly  another  case  of  assimilation  to  this  class:  a  variant  form  of  the 
word  is  bucking. 

3  In  Vedic  siikard-  hog,  boar  I  would  also  see  the  influence  of  incipient 
adaptation.  The  word  is  best  explained  upon  the  basis  of  a  stem  *su-ka  (cf. 
Old  Welsh  hucc,  Cornish  hoch  :  whence  is  borrowed  English  hog),  i.  e.  stem 
su-  with  the  quasi-diminutive  suffix  -ko-,  frequent  in  designations  of  animals 
(cf.  Persian  onana  above).  This  *suka-  came  under  the  influence  of  Ved. 
vydghrd-  tiger  (cf.  also  Sk.  marjard-  cat):  the  adaptation  may  have  been  pro- 
moted by  the  claims  of  popular  etymology  which  would  gladly  seize  upon  a 
word  siikard-,  since  it  suggests  su-kard-  '  making  the  sound  su.'  My  colleague, 
Dr.  H.  A.  Todd,  kindly  draws  my  attention  to  the  following  very  parallel  cases 
of  assimilation  in  names  of  animals  from  the  Italian  :  n  appears  for  /  in  licorno 
from  unicorno  unicorn  after  the  pattern  of  lif ante  —  elef ante  elephant: 
Meyer-Liibke,  Italienische  Grammatik  (Leipzig,  1890),  §167,  end.  Also,  the 
two  designations  of  fishes  sargus  and  pagrus  frequently  assimilate  :  Tuscan 
par  ago  to  suit  s  a  rag  o,  and  conversely  Genoese  sagau  after  pagau  :  ibid. 
§295,  end. 


26  AMERICAN  JOURNAL   OF  PHILOLOGY. 

Ohg.  bldo  blue;1  gilvu-s  light  yellow ;  fulvu-s  reddish 
yellow  (Fronto,  ibid.)  ;  rdvu-s  grey  ;  furvu-s  dark.  For  the 
Germanic  form  s,  Ohg.  faro  colored;  elo,  gelo  yellow,  salo 
black,  bldo  blue,  grdo  grey;  Low  Germ,  falo  fallow;  Ags. 
baso  purple;  see  Kluge,  Stammbildung,  §i86b.2  In  Sanskrit 
the  suffix  -ta  {rita-')  is  adapted  to  the  same  use:  h&rita-  yellow, 
dsita-  black,  palitd-  grey,  rdhita-,  lohita-  red,  fvetd-  white, 
fyetd-  reddish-white,  Ha-,  vy~Ha-  variegated,  pita  yellow. 
These  again  prevailingly  and  quite  irregularly  form  feminines  in 
-nl :  h&rikni,  dsikni,  palikni,  rdhini,  and  lohini,  e'nl  and  vy-enl, 
fy/ni,  fvenl  (the  last  reported  only  by  Vopadeva)  :  they  also  have 
arrived  at  this  uniformity  by  processes  of  assimilation,  which  can 
be  in  part  traced  with  considerable  certainty ;  see  especially 
Schmidt,  Pluralbildungen,  p.  398  fg.3 

The  following  additional  categories  maybe  mentioned  :  Words 
for  office  in  Latin  :  The  denominative  verb  judicdre,  from  judex, 
naturally  forms  an  abstract  in  -tu-,  judicdtu-s  office  of  judge. 
Of  the  same  sort  are  sendtu-s,  principdtu-s,  ducdtus,  pontificdtus, 
none  of  which  have  a  verb  corresponding  to  judicdre  by  their 
side.  The  suffix  -dtu-  has  adapted  itself  to  independent  use  as  a 
suffix  designating  office,  carrying  with  it  the  lexical  value  inherent 
in  one  or  two  stems  with  which  it  happened  originally  to  be  fused. 
Cf.  with  this  the  little  groups  designating  officers,  made  with  the 
suffixes  -Ha-  and  -ana-  in  German  (Kluge,  ibid.  §§18,  20),  of 
which  Eng.  beadle,  Germ,  biittel  and  Germ,  schoffe  (gen. 
schoffen)  are  modern  representatives.  A  movement  in  a  similar 
direction  is  at  the  base  of  the  Latin  group  dominus,  decanus, 
patronus,  tribunus :  the  primary  formation  dominus  (  =  Sk.  damana- 
'conquering')  may  have  started  the  category. 

1  I.  E.  bhluo-s. 

2  Cf.  Engl,  yellow,  sallow,  fallow. 

3  It  is  not  at  all  rare  for  feminines  to  enter  upon  processes  of  adaptation 
from  which  the  males  are  left  out.  Thus  the  Vedic,  Latin,  and  Greek  suffixes 
designating  female  divinities:  Vedic  -ayi  and  -ant  {agriayi,  indram,  Whitney, 
Sk.  Gr.a  1220,  1223b)  ;  Lat.  -ona  in  Bellona,  Pomona,  etc.,  -onia  in  Feronia, 
Pdlonia,  etc.  ;  Greek  -uvq  in  Aiuvq,  Zifi&vi],  etc.  Cf.  Gottinger  Gelehrte 
Anzeigen,  1890,  Nr.  19,  p.  774.  The  originators  of  these  lines  of  adaptation 
are  difficult  to  point  out,  but  we  may  regard  it  as  certain  that  there  is  no 
intrinsic  value  in  the  suffixes  which  fits  them  especially  for  this  function. 
Aiuv-q  can  be  directly  compared  with  Italic  Janus :  the  n  here  at  least  has 
nothing  to  do  with  fem.  value.  This  may  have  been  the  originator  of  its 
entire  class. 


ADAPTATION  OF  SUFFIXES.  2/ 

Designations  of  dwelling-places  and  repositories  for  various 
substances  :  In  Greek  the  suffix  -<*>v  has  adapted  itself  to  such  use  : 
olvJai/y olve<bv  w i n e-c e  1 1  a r ;  7rap6ev<uv,  napOeveaip  maiden's  chamber; 
avbpvv  men's  chamber;  linra>v  stable;  Xaaiwv  place  covered 
with  shrubbery  ;  wwai/emptyroom.  Cf.  with  this  the  Ger- 
manic designations  of  places  in  which  plants  grow,  formed  with 
the  ending  -ahi,  Kluge,  ibid.  §67. 

Professor  Gildersleeve  observes  acutely  that  the  suffix  -yg  in 
<rZpiy£  pipe,  o-aXniyg  trumpet,  cpapvy£  w i n d-p i p e,  Xdpvyg  throat, 
(nrfjXvy^  cave  owes  its  considerable  scope  to  adaptation.  The 
notion  of  hollowness  is  common  to  all  of  them.  Cf.  the  English 
expressions  mouth  of  a  cave,  and  mouth  of  a  trumpet.  This 
category  is  of  especial  interest  on  account  of  the  comparative 
remoteness  of  the  conception  which  binds  it  together.  The  Italian 
builds  up  on  a  similarly  far-fetched  motif  a  considerable  class  of 
nouns  in  -ime  to  designate  varieties  of  ordure,  fodder  for  animals, 
etc.;  see  Meyer-Lubke,  §509  (I  am  again  indebted  to  Dr.  Todd  for 
the  reference) :  coacime,  governime,  grassime  and  marcime  dung; 
fondime  dregs,  yeast,  lettime  straw,  mangime  fodder  for 
domestic  animals,  pastime  pasture,  becchime  fodder  for 
birds.  The  link  which  binds  these  together  is  evidently  that 
they  are  all  of  them  materials  handled  by  the  peasant.1  The  par- 
ticular form  which  originated  the  category  is  again  unknown.  In 
this  connection  I  would  express  my  own  surmise  that  the  '  sec- 
ondary' suffix  -ma  of*dacruma,  dacrima,  lacruma  tear  is  bor- 
rowed from  spuma  f o  a  m :  -ma  as  a  secondary  suffix  is  otherwise 
unknown  in  Latin,  and  the  related  words  (ddicpv,  etc.)  show  no 
trace  of  it  anywhere. 

Of  especial  interest  is  the  occasional  appearance  to  a  greater  or 
lesser  degree  of  the  notion  of  contempt  or  disparagement  in  sub- 
stantives formed  with  the  same  suffix.  Such  value  attaches  either 
altogether  or  at  times  to  suffix  -ulo-  in  Lat.  credulu-s,  bibu/u-s, 
gemulu-s}  tremulu-s,  querulu-s,  pendulu-s,  sedulu-s)  it  is  per- 
fectly evident  that  the  notion  of  contempt  did  not  dwell  origi- 
nally in  the  harmless  suffix  (I.  E.  -Uo-')%  but  that  it  was  read  into 
it  from  one  or  the  other  instance  in  which  the  root  itself  expressed 
contempt  or   disparagement.2     A  similarly  contemptuous  value 

1  Cf.  Vedic  piirita-  and  karisa-  dung,  and  Cat.  Br.  ii.  1.  1.  7 :  samdnarh  vai 
purlmm  ca  karlsam  ca  '/.  and  k.  are  the  same.' 

a  Note  the  full  continuance  of  this  special  function  of  the  suffix  in  the  Engl- 
ish version  of  the  Latin  words  :  e.  g.  querulous,  bibulous,  etc. 


2  8  AMERICAN  JO  URN  A  L    OF  PHIL  OLOGY. 

seems  to  have  gained  something  of  a  start  in  certain  Lat.  forma- 
tions in  -aster,  e.  g.  oleaster  wild  olive,  pyriaster  wild  pear, 
por caster  dirty  hog,Jiliasler  stepson,  Antoniaster,  Fulviaster, 
proper  names  with  contempt  attached;  see  Archiv  fur  Latein- 
ische  Lexicographic  i.  390.1  In  Lithuanian  also  a  small  group  of 
nouns  with  suffix  -eli-  show  signs  of  having  started  that  suffix  on 
the  road  of  development  to  a  suffix  of  contempt :  netikeli-s  good- 
for-nothing,  paklydeli-s  c  r  a  c  k-b  rain,  padukeli-s  maniac,  etc. ; 
see  Brugmann,  Grundriss  ii.  p.  199.  A  touch  of  a  similar  devel- 
opment seems  to  crop  out  also  with  the  Lith.  suffix  -ju-,  ibid.  p. 
301.  Cf.  also  the  Germanic  names  for  contemptible  persons  in 
-(h)-ard  mentioned  by  Kluge  32,  of  which  Engl,  dullard,  slug- 
gard, bastard,  German  bankert  are  modern  representatives. 
I  would'  finally  index  briefly  a  small  number  of  German  suffixal 
categories  which  are  scattered  through  Kluge's  Stammbildung  : 
designations  of  relatives  and  persons  pertaining  to  the  house,  K. 
§§25,  26;  bastards  and  the  like,  25 ;  names  of  dynasties,  26 ;  names 
of  divinities  and  mock-words,  29 ;  designations  of  male  persons 
in  -ulf,  32 ;  of  female  persons  in  -hildiy  52  ;  collectives  of  human 
beings,  69,  70;  designations  of  utensils,  81,  85,  89,  90,  91  ;  desig- 
nations of  coins,  100. 

Lexical  adaptation  is  by  no  means  restricted  to  substantival 
categories:  it  has,  however,  its  greatest  opportunities  in  that 
quarter.  The  k  of  ov/c-eVi  has  passed  over  to  pj-K-en,  thus  starting, 
as  it  were,  an  element  -k€ti  in  words  with  negative  adverbial  value. 
But  it  is  limited  by  the  small  variety  of  negative  stems  at  the 
disposal  of  the  language.  There  is  no  reason  why  assimilation 
should  not  operate  in  all  kinds  of  classes  of  verbs :  verba  senti- 
endiet  declarandi,  verbs  of  motion,  verbs  of  carrying  and  fetching, 
verbs  for  eating  and  drinking,  etc.,  etc.  But  the  material  is 
evidently  less  pliable ;  the  number  of  available  present  suffixes  is 
too  small  to  permit  the  endowment  of  them  with  any  too  special 
value ;  these  exercise  a  dominating  influence  on  the  forms  of  verbs, 
so  as  to  render  the  adaptation  of  other  final  sound-groups  almost 
impossible.  At  least  the  writer  happens  to  be  acquainted  only 
with  sporadic  instances  of  assimilation  which  have  not  developed 
into  formal  categories  by  sufficiently  extensive  adaptation.  The 
verb  rjTTaaOai  to  be  worsted,  in  Sophocles,  Thucydides,  etc.,  is 
a  modification  of  ^^TovaOai  (cf.  eo-aovaOat  in  Hdt.)  after  the  pattern 

1  This  force  of  the  suffix  is  still  alive  in  Engl,  poetaster,  etc. 


ADAPTATION   OF  SUFFIXES.  2$ 

of  its  synonym  viKaaOai  to  be  conquered;  see  KZ.  xxx.  299. 
The  verb  dva-ya  in  the  gloss  of  Hesychius,  bvayv  •  dno8va>  is,  perhaps, 
due  to  the  influence  of  fxiaya  (Od.  o-  49 :  eaa  ptaycaOat  '  to  enter  a 
house') ;  see  Morph.  Unters.  iv.  34,  note.  One  of  the  best  cases 
of  this  sort  seems  to  me  to  be  the  following :  the  present  system 
bartOf'xai  to  assign  a  portion  is  formed  from  the  root  da  after  the 
pattern  of  naTeofiat  =  Goth,  fddjan  feed  ;  cf.  KZ.  xxvii.  267,  note. 
In  Lat.  versutus  dexterous,  crafty,  a  modification  of  versdtus, 
whenever  its  meaning  touches  upon  that  of  astiitus  cunning, 
artful,  this  assimilation  is  restricted  to  the  participle;  cf.  KZ. 
xxx.  300.  We  have  recently,  in  the  English  of  the  United  States, 
formed  humorously  the  causative  verb  to  wine,  i.  e.  to  enter- 
tain with  wine,  after  the  pattern  of  the  causative  to  dine  to 
entertain  at  dinner,  itself  a  formation  of  no  great  antiquity. 
The  vulgar  pronunciation  of  catch  is  ketch,  a  type  of  pro- 
nunciation which  is  not  extended  to  the  closely  parallel  forms 
hatch,  latch,  match,  etc.  Possibly  ketch  is  due  to  the  influence 
of  fetch,  although  it  may  be  the  residue  of  a  form  with  umlaut 
=  South  English  ketch,  etc. ;  see  Trautmann,  Anglia  iv.,  Anzeiger, 
p.  52.  No  doubt  others  can  be  added  to  this  small  list,  but  this 
is  at  any  rate  a  rare  process  in  the  verb ;  as  far  as  we  know  it  has 
led  to  no  adaptation  of  accidental  sound-groups  to  the  expression 
of  definite  verbal  categories  in  any  older  period  of  I.  E.  speech. 

Maurice  Bloomfield. 


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